ABOUT THE COMPANY

Founded in 2019, Glance is a consumer internet company that has created highly disruptive digital platforms including Glance and Roposo. Glance has redefined the way the internet is consumed on the lock screen, removing the need for searching and downloading apps. Over 400 million smartphones now come enabled with Glance’s next-generation internet experience. Roposo has revolutionized commerce by launching a destination for creator-led live entertainment commerce. Headquartered in Singapore, Glance is an unconsolidated subsidiary of InMobi Group and is funded by Jio Platforms, Google and Mithril Capital.  

JOB DESCRIPTION

Glance is hiring for the position

  1. Job Designation: Associate Legal Counsel
  2. Job Location: Bengaluru
  3. Experience: 1+ years

ELIGIBILITY AND EXPERIENCE

  • Qualified law graduate from India
  • Experience in contract drafting, reviewing, and negotiating
  • 1-3 years of post-admission legal experience
  • Law Firm or In house Experience working with a technology company
  • Familiarity with consumer-facing platforms, particularly Media Space/ E-Commerce/ Media-Tech/ Ad-Tech/New-age platforms
  • Knowledge/experience in content-related transactions, intellectual property and multi-jurisdictional issues

APPLICATION PROCESS

APPLY HERE

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ABOUT THE COMPANY

Sunteck Realty Limited (SRL) is a Mumbai-based premium real estate development company focused on a city-centric development portfolio of about 40 million square feet spread across 28 projects at various stages of development. The Company has successfully delivered projects worth > USD 1 billion and built one of the strongest balance sheets in the industry with negligible debt levels and visible cash flow.

JOB DESCRIPTION

Sunteck Realty Ltd. is Looking for legal professionals with 7-10 years post qualification experience in Litigation preferably from the Real Estate sector.

  • To work with Sunteck Realty Limited, a listed company with solid financials and a very strong track record.. multiple new projects on the anvil in coming quarters.
  • To be part of the Inhouse Legal team based in Mumbai and support the business teams in Legal matters, especially Litigation across Matters in Supreme Court, High Court, MahaRERA, Appellate Tribunal, consumer cases District Court, NCLT Revenue matters, Criminal cases, police complaints etc.
  • Willing to travel across cities and able to handle matters independently.
  • Hands-on legal professionals with a sound understanding of Court procedures and drafting pleadings including responses to Legal Notices.

APPLICATION PROCESS

Interested candidates can send their applications to srivals.kumar@sunteckindia.com

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JOB DESCRIPTION

Advocate Ashwini Chawla is looking to hire a ‘Junior Advocate’.

  1. The candidate must have less than 2 years PQE. Preference to be given to freshers.
  2. Nature of responsibilities includes assisting with identifying and reviewing case law, drafting, and appearing in court (primarily the Delhi High Court).
  3. Remuneration to be on par with industry standards.

APPLICATION PROCESS

Interested candidates can send their applications to email@ashwinichawla.net.in

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Indure Pvt. Ltd. is making an urgent call for 2 associate positions.

ABOUT

The Indure Private Limited is an unlisted private company incorporated on 22 April, 1970. It is classified as a private limited company and is located in New Delhi, Delhi. The Indure Private Limited manufactures, develops, and supplies ash handling equipment. It also operates as a contractor for power plants and material handling systems.

POSITION

Junior Associate (2): Urgently required

ELIGIBILITY

Junior associate with an experience of 1-2 years in litigation having a LLB degree.

SALARY

As per industry norms

ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES

Majorly drafting, appearing in Courts including District, High Court and NCLT.

Note: Please do not apply if you are not focused and hard working.

CONTACT DETAILS

Adv. Simran Wason

Email: harshswami211@gmail.com

Disclaimer: All information posted by us on Lexpeeps is true to our knowledge. But still, it is suggested that you check and confirm things on your level.

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Introduction

Communalism was an element of Indian history before Indian independence. It did, however, develop fiercely in India’s contemporary politics, driven by British colonization. The emergence and development of communalism have their unique histories. In reality, the British tactic of “divide and rule” included communalism, which may be dated back to the period before independence. Hindus and Muslims came together during India’s first war of independence [1857] to drive away British Empire. The British put an end to the movement and later began using the “divide and rule” strategy to incite Muslims against Hindus and vice versa. Communalism is employed in a variety of ways to obtain a political benefit or to cause community conflict.

India’s religious and cultural diversity inspires communalism as a political notion. It has been used as a political propaganda weapon to incite communal animosity and violence among communities based on religious and ethnic identity. It doesn’t take much intelligence to notice that communalism is rapidly increasing in India. Leaders connected to the current administration have called for the annihilation of Muslims; meanwhile, what are supposed to be more moderate voices on that side are raising a number of concerns that target Muslim daily life, such as their call to prayer, the wearing of the hijab by Muslim women, and the sale of Halal meat.

Attachment to a religious community does not constitute communalism. A person’s religiosity toward a community does not imply communalism. However, employing a religious community against other groups and the entire nation is communalism. In contemporary society, communalism is blind adherence to one’s own religious group. It is characterized as a weapon for or against mobilizing people through communal service appeals. Dogmatism and religious fanaticism are linked to communalism.

Factors behind Communalism prevalence in India

The Indian Constitution guarantees citizens several essential rights (i.e. individuals). In the case of minorities, however, the entire community has been granted fundamental rights under Articles 28, 29, and 30, which provide that they are free to administer their own educational institutions and have the right to preserve their own culture. However, these rights are employed above and beyond individual rights by personal law boards governed by their own community laws. As shown in the Shah Bano case.

There is also animosity toward such personal rules, and there is growing support for a uniform civil code, which is also referenced in Article 44 of the Indian constitution’s Directive principle for states. This will assist to bridge religious divides. In the lack of a uniform civil law, all communities are perceived to have conflicting and contradictory interests. As a result, community-based pressure organizations bargain on behalf of their own community. These communities struggle for power and resources at the political level. This competitiveness leads to huge wars. Politicians attempt to convert these communities into vote banks, and various communities become watertight compartments.

Since its independence, India has pursued the notion of nation-building based on secularism. Even after 68 years of freedom, India is still on fire from communalism. However, there are several explanations for this. However, just a few of them have been explored here, with the awareness that the causes that play a part in the maintenance of communalism are:-the first religious, and the second political. The third one is socioeconomic, and the fourth is global.

In the first case, religious fundamentalism should be held accountable for communalism. After all, fundamentalists believe that “our belief alone is real” and that “the rest is wrong or inadequate.” According to this mindset, when members of any religious group, sect, or sub-sect engage in their activities, they are bound to clash with others. The reason is self-evident. They lack tolerance, which is essential in a country like India, which has many distinct religious sects. They become the source of conflict, hostility, and strife.

Politicians have also played a major part in escalating communal tensions in India. Politics was at the heart of India’s agonizing partition in 1947 in the name of a specific religious group. However, even after paying a high price in the form of division, we may discover political parties or their followers directly or indirectly involved in many subsequent riots. Along with this, the strategy of appeasement, selection of candidates based on community, sect, sub-sect, and caste, and inflaming religious feelings before elections all contributed to the emergence of communalism. These abuses are still being carried out, and the country is suffering as a result. Many negative consequences of these actions can be seen.

Though India’s socioeconomic conditions have improved since independence and economic reforms since 1991 have been essential in improving such situations, there are still numerous obstacles in front of Indian society that pose a danger to its variety. Population, poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment all produce a lot of compulsions, especially among the younger generation. As a result, many members of the younger generation, who are unemployed and living in poverty, become involved in evils such as communalism. Efforts to eradicate poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment are not yielding the expected results.

External forces (including non-state actors) also have a role in exacerbating and escalating the communalism problem. We cannot name any specific country in this respect, but researchers and people who think about this issue on a regular basis have underlined this fact.

The following are the primary causes for external factors’ engagement or influence in riots:

  1. To create an unstable environment in order to become socially weak;
  2. To wish for compassion from minorities;
  3. attempting to undermine a foreign country’s economic system; and
  4. In order to mask their own inadequacy

Outcomes of Communalism

The most serious consequence of communalism is communal tensions or rioting. When religious issues are politicized, it leads not just to communalism but also to fascism as well as to communal riots. Riots that occur as a result of conflicts between two or more communities’ communal interests are referred to as communal riots.

Communal violence is a phenomenon in which members of two distinct religious communities band together and attack one other with sentiments of hatred and animosity. The revival of Hindu-Muslim economic struggle, particularly among the poor and middle classes, has fostered communalism. In addition, social media has proven to be an efficient instrument for sharing information about communal tensions or riots in any section of the country.

The absence of interpersonal confidence and understanding between two groups frequently results in perceptions of threat, harassment, fear, and significant risk in one community towards the members of the other community, which in turn leads to fights, hatred, and rage phobia. We are all aware of the consequences of communism. The poor are the genuine victims of mass massacres; they lose their homes, their loved ones, their lives, their livelihoods, and so on. It violates human rights from every angle. Sometimes children will lose their parents and become orphans for life, with no one to care for them.

In addition to having an impact on society, it is a danger to Indian constitutional norms that encourage secularism and religious tolerance. In that circumstance, citizens fail to fulfil their essential responsibilities to the nation. It poses a danger to the nation’s unity and integrity as a whole. It just spreads hostility in all ways, splitting society along communal lines. Aside from this, minorities are viewed with mistrust by everyone, including state officials like as police, paramilitary forces, the army, intelligence services, and so on. There have been several occasions where members of this group have been harassed and jailed, only to be freed guilt-free by court rulings. There is no mechanism for compensating such victims for lost livelihood income, social humiliation, or emotional distress to their families.

Such things are a bump in the road for society and an obstacle to its progress. This is also one of the reasons that India is still classified as a “developing nation,” because such activities frequently harm the country’s human resources and economy. Again, it takes years for individuals and impacted areas to recover from the horrors of such violence, which has a profound influence on the brains of those who have experienced it. They have been emotionally shattered and insecure their entire lives.

Some Infamous Cases of Communal Violence in India

  • Partition of India, 1947-Following partition, millions of people was compelled to relocate from both sides of the border. Hindus in Pakistan and Muslims in India were massacred in large numbers, women were raped, and many children were orphaned. There was hatred everywhere, and violence saw nothing but bloodshed. Later, it became a refugee problem, and their rehabilitation became one of the most difficult challenges for independent India.
  • There were no major religious riots until 1961 when the Jabalpur riots rocked the country more because of the economic struggle between a Hindu and a Muslim bidi producer than any electoral competition.
  • In the 1960s, a series of riots erupted in the eastern section of India, mainly in Rourkela, Jamshedpur, and Ranchi, in 1964, 1965, and 1967, in areas where Hindu refugees from then-East Pakistan were being placed.
  • In April 1974, violence erupted in a chawl, or tenement, in Mumbai’s Worli district as police attempted to disperse a Dalit Panthers gathering that had become violent after fights with the Shiv Sena.
  • After Indira Gandhi’s death in October 1984, anti-Sikh riots erupted in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, and other regions of India, killing around 4000 Sikhs.

One thing is consistent in all of these and hundreds of previous riots: the vast majority of casualties had nothing to do with community animosity. In summary, perpetrators of violence and victims of violence are distinct individuals. Similar to the preceding list, there are many others that have impacted the masses and killed individuals on a big scale. Bombay bombing in 1993, Lashkar-e-Toiba attack on Akshardham in 2002, and Varanasi bombing in 2006 are only a few examples of anti-Hindu incidents.

Steps to be taken to deal with Communalism

Communalism is a crippling paralysis that must be addressed. Communal Riots are a constant danger to religious unity in our country. They must be dealt with and handled efficiently. A few recommendations in this respect may be made. While making proposals is simple, putting them into action is a significant difficulty. There is a need for reform in the current criminal justice system; quick trials and proper recompense for victims may serve as deterrents.

The increased presence of minorities and underrepresented groups in all branches of law enforcement, as well as training of forces on human rights, particularly in the use of guns in compliance with the UN code of conduct. Codified standards for administration, specialized training for the police force to deal with communal riots, and the establishment of specific investigative and prosecuting organizations can all help to reduce serious communal discontent.

Value-oriented education, with a focus on the values of peace, nonviolence, compassion, secularism, and humanism, as well as developing scientific temper (enshrined as a fundamental duty) and rationalism as core values in children in both schools and colleges/universities, can be critical in preventing communal feelings. Media, films, and other cultural outlets can have an impact on encouraging peace and cooperation. Though all of these practices are popular in India, there is definitely a need for development in this area.

Thus, concerted efforts are required to address the problem of communalism in India. Everyone must carry out their responsibilities. If we do this, there will undoubtedly be harmony. Everyone will benefit. This must be done; it was Mahatma Gandhi’s ambition for a free India.

Conclusion

Communalism has taken a toll on Indian residents and has, directly and indirectly, harmed many families. The communal problem should be addressed via communication and understanding. Steps should be done to encourage unity through cultural exchange programmes. Globalization has also brought the world closer together and contributed to the reduction of communalism in several nations, including India.

References

  1. Communalism – Definition and its Types (unacademy.com)
  2. Communalism – ONLYIAS – Nothing else | UPSC IAS EXAM PREPARATION
  3. Communalism (drishtiias.com)
  4. 6 Major Social Issues in India: Causes and Measures (sociologygroup.com)
  5. Ahuja, R. (2014). Social problems in India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications.

This article is written by Devishee Arora, a 4th-year B.COM LLB (Hons.) student at Amity Law School, Noida

ABOUT THE INTERNSHIP

Advocate Saai Sudharsan Sathiyamoorthy is looking for Interns/Research Assistants to assist with the research and legal drafting of the 3rd Edition of Wadhwa Law Chambers Guide to the Insolvency & Bankruptcy Code and the 2nd Edition of WLC Guide to Proceeds of Crime & PMLA.

INTERNSHIP DESCRIPTION

  • Students/Researchers who have completed their 3rd year of law and above would be preferred.
  • A basic understanding of Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, PMLA and Intellectual Property Laws.
    Roles and responsibilities
  • Work will primarily involve research in IBC, Companies Act, PMLA, Copyright Act, Designs Act, and other related laws.
  • Interns/Research Assistants will be required to physically come into the Chambers at Chennai for the duration of the internship.
  • A fixed stipend will be paid

APPLICATION PROCESS

Interested candidates can share their CV and covering letter to saaisudharsans@gmail.com

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Introduction

As per Places of Worship Act, it is “an Act to prohibit conversion of any place of worship and to provide for the maintenance of the religious character of any place of worship as it existed on the 15th day of August, 1947, and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto”

What guidelines do the 1991 Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act contain?

In 1991, against the backdrop of the Ram Mandir agitation, the Parliament of the PV Narasimha Rao government passed this law.

  • This Act preserves a house of worship’s religious identity as it was on August 15, 1947.
  • A religious place of worship, or a portion of a religious place of worship, may not be converted into a place of worship for a different religion or a different denomination of the same religion, according to Section 3 of the Act.
  • All appeals, lawsuits, or other procedures about changing a place of worship’s religious character must come to a stop at the effective date of the Act, according to Section 4(2) of the Act. Additionally, no new appeals will be accepted.
  • It is crucial to remember that legal action may be taken if the place of worship’s religious nature is changed beyond the deadline of August 15, 1947.
  • The Sets of Worship Act also places a positive obligation on the State to preserve all places of worship’s religious character in the manner that it did at the time of independence.

Exceptions

The Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958, governs ancient and historical monuments as well as archaeological sites and remains.

  • Any disagreement that has been resolved amicably between the parties, any litigation that has been definitively resolved or dismissed, and any conversion of property that occurred prior to the start of the Act.
  • Additionally, the Act does not apply to the Ayodhya temple known as Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid. This law will take precedence over all other laws now in place.

Efficacy of the Act

  • The Places of Worship Act is inextricably linked to a secular state’s duty.
  • Equality between all faiths.
  • An affirmation of the solemn obligation placed on the State to uphold and defend the equality of all faiths as a fundamental constitutional principle and a component of the Constitution.

The Act’s penalties

  • According to Section 6 of the Act, it carries a maximum sentence of three years in prison as well as a fine.
  • When someone attempts to conduct an offence or help carry out a crime, they are nonetheless subject to penalty under subsection (1) even though they did not take any steps to actually commit the crime.
  • Anything in section 116 of the IPC (45 of 1860) will be punishable with the punishment specified for the offence if anybody aids or conspires to commit an offence under subsection (1).

How does the petition violate the ruling made in Ayodhya?

  • The statute was mentioned by the Constitution Bench, which was chaired by former CJI Ranjan Gogoi, in the 2019 Ayodhya judgement, and it was noted that it expresses the secular values of the Constitution and strictly forbids retrogression.
  • The statute, according to the court, protects secularism by forbidding changes to a place of worship’s status following Independence.
  • “Historical wrongs cannot be righted by the people taking the law into their own hands,” the five-judge Bench warned against additional attempts to alter the character of a house of worship.
  • Parliament has explicitly said that in order to preserve the nature of houses of public worship, the past and its wrongs shall not be used as tools to oppress the present and the future.
  • The State is addressed by the law just as much as every other American citizen is. Its standards bind all those in charge of running the country’s activities.
  • These standards put Article 51A’s Fundamental Duties into practice and as such are mandates that benefit all citizens.
  • In contrast to what the Supreme Court stated in the Ayodhya Verdict, the current petition challenges the law on the grounds that it infringes secularism.

Views of the Supreme Court

  • The Constitution Bench referred to the statute in the 2019 Ayodhya judgement and stated that it embodies the secular values of the Constitution and forbids retrogression.
  • Thus, the legislation is a legislative tool created to safeguard the secular aspects of Indian politics, which are one of the fundamental principles of the Constitution.

Petition concerning Places of Worship Act 1991

  • “The Centre has banned remedies against illegal encroachment on places of worship and pilgrimage, and now Hindus, Jains, Buddhists, and Sikhs cannot file a lawsuit or seek a high court under Article 226,” the plea stated. As a result, they won’t be allowed to reinstate their places of worship and pilgrimage, including temple endowments, in accordance with Articles 25 and 26, and the invaders’ illegal barbaric deeds would go on forever.
  • Additionally, the petition claimed that the law was against the Constitution’s secularism principle.
  • Some contend that “pilgrimage sites” or “burial grounds” are covered by the State List and that the centre was therefore powerless to enact regulations in this area. However, the centre had contended in Entry 97 that it may do so under the residuary power of the union list.

Why is the law under challenge to our cultural practices in the name of secularism?

The first religious parliament was held in Delhi in 1984, with about 558 Hindus in attendance. They planned to launch a national campaign encouraging Hindus to claim the holy sites in Varanasi, Mathura, and Ayodhya. The movement grew in power after the Ram Janma Bhumi-Babri Masjid Conflict in 1990. The Hindu religious groups concentrated on two mosques:

(1) Shahi Idgah Mosque, next to Lord Krishna Temple in Mathura

(2) Gyanvapi Mosque, next to the Kashi Vishwanath Temple in Varanasi, despite the urge to lay claim to over 3000 mosques in the sites indicated above.

The petition was submitted in 1991 on behalf of Swayambhu Jyotirlinga Bhagwan Vishweshwar, the principal deity of the temple, by attorney Vijay Shankar Rastogi. Rastogi asserts in his petition that Maharaja Vikramaditya built the temple there about 2,050 years ago, where the current mosque now stands. He demanded that the Gyanvapi mosque be removed from the area, that Hindus be granted ownership of the entire parcel of property, and that they be granted the ability to practise their religion inside the mosque.

Petition filed for the Gyanvapi Mosque

  • A request was made to the Supreme Court by BJP leader and lawyer Ashwini Kumar Upadhyay in opposition to several clauses of the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act of 1991.
  • The Act is being challenged because it forbids any community from claiming the places of worship of another community. This ban is questioned as being legitimate.
  • The Places of Worship Act of 1991, according to a petition, is “arbitrary, unreasonable, and retrospective.”
  • Sections of the Act dealing with the bar on legal claims were the subject of the petition, which argued that they violated secularism.
  • Additionally, it is claimed that the August 15, 1947 deadline is “arbitrary, unreasonable, and retrospective” and prevents Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains, and Hindus from petitioning the courts to “reclaim” their places of worship.
  • It essentially robs people of their ability to use the legal system to seek redress and get justice.
  • According to the petition, “fundamentalist barbarous invaders” “invaded” and “encroached” upon such locations.
  • The petition claims that the law makes it acceptable for invaders to destroy sites of worship in the past. It is puzzling how the birthplace of Ram could be exempt from the legislation but not Krishna’s.

According to the petition, Sections 2, 3, and 4 of the Act:

  • Violates one’s ability to worship, practise, and spread religion (Article 25),
  • Right to control, maintain, and dispense with religious and pilgrimage sites (Article 26),
  • The right to protect culture (Article 29)
  • Antithetical to the State’s obligation to safeguard historic sites and maintain religious cultural heritage under Article 49 (Article 51A).

Conclusion

According to the Act, regardless of its past, every house of public worship that was open on the day of our independence, or 15 August 1947, will maintain its religious character on that day. The filing of lawsuits for such purposes of conversion is prohibited under Section 4, even though Section 3 prohibits the conversion of houses of worship. Thus, the Act’s purpose is evident.

The text of Section 4 of the Act provides a further basis for the dispute; another argument asserts that the clause forbids the right to judicial relief. Given that India has a long history of Muslim conquest and dominance, one key background of this Act is the claim that it discriminates against Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, and Buddhists.

As per the petition:

Hindus would not have received justice if the Ayodhya case had not been resolved. Hindus, Jains, Buddhists, and Sikhs all regularly pay respect to their houses of worship. The ‘Hindu law principle’ is also mentioned in this passage: “Temple property is never lost even if it is enjoyed by strangers for years, and even the King cannot take property away because the deity is an embodiment of God and is a juristic person, represents infinite, the timeless, and cannot be confined to the shackles of time.” Therefore, a thorough reading of the writ petition can give a good indication of the petition’s goals. The petitioner contends that they have a right to have past wrongs corrected, especially now that the nation is independent, and that they are working to redress those wrongs. The petition clearly has religious overtones, and any discussion of the legitimacy of the measure will undoubtedly bring up significant legal issues.

References

  1. Places of Worship Act 1991.
  2. Places of Worship Act (Special Provision Act) 1991.

This article is written by Aditi Jangid, from Delhi Metropolitan Education (Affiliated to GGSIPU).


INTRODUCTION

Worshippers can unleash a temple’s full potential by liberating it. Temples can be elegantly and superbly maintained if they are left in the care of the worshipers. There are many different ways and modules that a temple can run. The gurudwaras provide the community with free meals in the form of langars, which helps many people by feeding the hungry. In a similar way, a budget and a plot of land should be allocated to temples so that they can focus the majority of their resources there. They would be able to perform a vast array of extra activities, such as helping during the current epidemic stage and during natural disasters like earthquakes and tidal waves. They are then able to respond to disasters more quickly and efficiently than the government because of their strong relationships with the community. The government cannot do this since funding is channeled through the system. Temples are not just places of worship; they also contain art, history, and culture. Particularly in the state of Tamil Nadu, the temple tower serves as the state emblem. Since the temple is the centre of India, there are several “temple towns” there.

Because of their close ties to the community, they are able to respond to crises more swiftly and effectively than the government. Due to the system’s financial flow, the government is unable to accomplish this. Temples are not just places of prayer; they also house works of art and cultural artefacts. The temple tower is used as the state emblem, especially in Tamil Nadu. There are numerous “temple towns” there since the temple served as India’s administrative centre.

CONTROL BY THE GOVERNMENT OVER HINDU TEMPLES IS ILLEGAL

During a conference conducted in Delhi a few years ago, more than a dozen lawyers, campaigners, and other leaders of civil society expressed concern regarding the “illegal” government ownership of Hindu temples. As stated by Swami Paramatmanandaji, the secretary of HDAS, HDAS has petitioned the Supreme Court to challenge the constitutionality of certain State Acts that govern temples. The symposium was organized by HDAS. A Supreme Court attorney named Pinky Anand argued that the law’s clauses authorizing the government to occupy temples were invalid and unenforceable.

The leader of the Temple Worshippers Society claims that the government has seized control of hundreds of temples that have assets worth millions of dollars. The Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment Act, which was passed in 1959, reinstated the same provisions that the Supreme Court had declared “illegal” in the Madras Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment Act 1951, which dealt with the appointment of executive officers in temples, he claimed. Several speakers emphasised the need for equality between Hindus and minorities while using Hindu victimisation and “discrimination” by the Indian government, court, and other state institutions as a bogey.

Former Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, Rama Jois said an 11-judge Supreme Court bench decided that minorities did not receive any special benefits under Article 30 of the Constitution. There is no need for a “right,” only a “protection.” “No organization or person should be given an advantage.” Hindus needed to employ other methods of agitation and building pressure since, in the opinion of Vishnu Sadashiv Kokje, the issue of governmental authority over temples could not be settled in court. K.N. Bhat, a Supreme Court lawyer who represented Lord Ram in the Ram Janmabhoomi case, cautioned that judicial remedies were fraught with uncertainty.

DEMAND TO UNCONTROL TEMPLES FROM THE GOVERNMENT

Religious institutions and places of worship in our nation have contributed significantly to the social and cultural fabric of our nation for millennia. According to data from the 2011 Census, there are roughly 30,00,000 places of worship in the United States as an example (Kishore, 2016). Hindu temples likely make up the majority of these, even though we don’t know their exact number. India has had government authority over temples ever since British rule, a position that was further cemented after independence by a number of state-level laws. All temples under their jurisdiction are currently governed by state endowment organizations. Given their poor performance throughout time in several areas, many have questioned whether it is a good idea to have temples controlled by the government. The demand is for the government to relinquish control over the temples. Court cases have recently been argued, and a private member’s bill has recently been introduced in parliament. In view of the Covid-19 pandemic debate, Hindu religious trusts should enjoy the same freedom from governmental oversight as Muslim and Christian religious trusts do. State governments in India oversee more than 4 lakh temples, but there is no corresponding control over Muslim and Christian religious institutions. The “Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HRCE) Act 1951,” which enables state governments to seize and control temples and their properties, is being called for modification.

More than 15 State governments oversee purely Hindu religious establishments, mainly temples, from the selection of temple administrators to the collection of service fees ranging from 13 to 18 per cent. The neighbourhood won’t be able to protect its own best interests as a result. They argue that this is unfair as only the Hindu community is targeted for such discrimination. In this scenario, secularism is violated. Additionally, as stated in the constitution, religious organizations in India cannot be administered by the government.

It is asserted that the British acquired control of the temple’s treasures after the Mughals. By enforcing the HRCE Act in 1951, the Jawaharlal Nehru administration continued its strategy of overseeing temples after India gained independence. This type of supervision is not present in mosques or churches. We also demand that all types of control be removed from temples. Famous Supreme Court attorney J. Sai Deepak urged the government to amend the Act, which he felt was the root of the issue. Tradition holds that the “Raja” (king) has no right to the wealth of the temple. It’s interesting to note that the Supreme Court has mandated in at least three landmark rulings that state governments hand up control of religious organizations to the people. This has not, however, been the case up until this point. Two petitions on this matter are currently being considered by the Supreme Court.

The former chief minister of Maharashtra and well-known Congress leader Prithviraj Chavan recently caused controversy by urging the government to seize all the gold owned by national religious trusts, which he estimated to be worth at least $1 trillion. He claims that gold bonds can be used to borrow gold at low-interest rates. “All religious trusts” is a general word that includes gurudwaras (Sikh) and temples (Hindu and Jains), both of which only accept gold as donations.

The Indian Constitution forbids discrimination based on religion, claims Vinod Bansal, the VHP’s national spokesperson. “However, there remains discrimination when it comes to the management of religious trusts.” I think it’s important to correct the errors that the British and the Nehru administration made in the past. He believed that Hindu religious trusts should be treated equally to Muslim and Christian religious trusts. The “Trust is a legal body,” hence it has reasonable or acceptable legal ramifications as well. A god’s offerings of gold and other materials are cherished as holy items. Since no one has the legal right to give it up in any situation, the gold monetization programme is also a hoax. Any plan to remove religious sites is forbidden by Articles 25 and 26 of the Indian Constitution. The Constitution, however, clearly says that nobody has the power to interfere with religious autonomy.

The evolution of the Gold Monetization Schemes was significantly influenced by state control of temples. State governments force temples to sell their gold even when they don’t want to. This issue is caused by state control over temples, which is illegal and discriminatory. Any plan that does not return the capital in gold causes a loss to the community. According to the reports, local governments are in charge of the majority of the temples in South India. The state government of Andhra Pradesh now controls about 34,000 temples. Just 7% of the Rs. 3,500 crore in contributions to the Tirupati Balaji temple were utilized to maintain the shrine. There have been several artefacts found for sale in the UK. As a secular nation, India should treat Hindu temples similarly to mosques and churches, according to one Indian official. From 1840, the British Government started to give up authority over the temples. The most well-known mutts in Tamil Nadu were chosen to represent some of the state’s most renowned temples and shrines.

CONSTITUTIONAL VALIDITY OF THE HINDU RELIGIOUS AND CHARITABLE ENDOWMENT ACT

For the purpose of governing Indian democracy, there is a written constitution. Hindus make up the large bulk of the population in this area. Hinduism, one of the oldest religions in the world, is practised in India. Hinduism features a number of sub-castes, each of which has a unique colour and shape. In terms of caste and sub-caste, there are variances from state to state or area to region. There are also significant differences in how things are done. When Hinduism is at its best, it can be seen as an example of harmony among differences. It is based on ancient texts like the Vedas, Upanishads, Geetha, and others. Many people see Hinduism as a way of life. Hinduism, for instance, permits the worship of inanimate objects such as Ashwathavriksha, Nagadevatas, the earth, and the sea. These are but a few examples.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE HINDU RELIGIOUS AND CHARITABLE ENDOWMENT ACT

From 1840, the British Government started to give up authority over the temples. The most well-known mutts in Tamil Nadu were chosen to represent some of the state’s most renowned temples and shrines. When the Mutts assumed control of these temples, they made sure to obtain written assurances, or “Muchalikas,” from the British Government that the temples would never be returned to the Mutts as had been promised.

As a result, the Mutts obtained complete control over and ownership of a number of important temples, which they successfully managed. The Heads of Mutts and officers never lost sight of the fundamental justifications for worship or the usage of funds meant for ritualistic practice and temple upkeep. Hundreds of additional temples in the former Madras Presidency were left up to their various trustees, even though the Mutts managed a handful of them successfully. The previous Government had little to no duty in overseeing them.

The Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act, of 1923 was a piece of legislation intended to enhance the management and administration of specific religious endowments (Act I of 1925). According to the Act, there are two different sorts of temples: excepted temples and non-excepted temples. The law was challenged as soon as it took effect on the grounds that it had not been legitimately passed. As a result, the assembly passed the Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act, of 1926 (Act II of 1927, abolishing Act I of 1925).

There have been several changes made to this statute. There is no need to provide the most recent modifications. Let’s just say that there were ten revisions to the Act by the year 1946: Act I in 1928 (Act V in 1929), Act V in 1929 (Act IV in 1930), and so on. Act XII of 1935, on the other hand, brought about a significant change. The Government did not like the Board’s current powers, so they introduced Ch. VI-A, which allowed the Board the freedom to notify a temple for whatever reason it saw fit. As a result, the Board had established its authority to capture and manage temples before India gained its freedom. The Government’s vile behaviour only affected Hindu institutions.

It is important to note that the Board started the notification process for the Chidambaram Shri Sabhanayagar Temple in 1950 despite orders from the Madras Government to stop the notification process in 1947 and an order from the Hon’ble Madras High Court in 1939 prohibiting the Board from starting the notification process on petty grounds. India became a Republic on January 26, 1950, when it was freed from British rule, and its Constitution gave Indians certain basic rights. Parts of religious denominations gained unique religious and legal privileges. The Board also made an attempt to acquire control of three more temples, all of which are run by Gowd Saraswath Brahmin sects: Guruvayurappan, Udupi, and Mulkipetta’s Shri Venkataramana.

Each of them challenged the authority of the HRCE Board over the aforementioned religious entities. In the meanwhile, a new Hindu religious law known as the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act, 1951, was passed by the Madras government. Since the Constitution upholds the right of individuals to practice their religion freely, it may seem strange that the government participates in religious organizations through the Statutory Boards. Temples are not mentioned in the Vedic Collection of Hymns and Prayers. In the region where the fire was ignited, it was claimed that sacrifices were made. In the later Brahmana period, temples for the gods were constructed. Due to a growing desire to acquire religious virtue, endowments like land were created for religious purposes at a later age. As a result, Hindu temples are created, funded, and preserved for the benefit of the larger Hindu population. A law was made to better manage, protect, and maintain temples and the endowed properties that are connected to them in order to accomplish goals while adhering to reasonable restrictions that do not restrict religious freedom as guaranteed by the constitution.

CONCLUSION

From the information provided above, it is evident that India must be free from government control or, at the very least, give believers the chance to manage religious institutions and carry out activities that they desire and are advantageous to the general public; the government should also support this effort as it will reveal which individuals are most qualified to oversee religious institutions. It’s also likely that followers abuse their power as it’s common in India to make money off the names of holy places and many well-known people visit India to take part in this corruption. But the government must at least give the devotees something. Hinduism is one of India’s oldest religions, having existed for countless years. Unless they are directly at odds with the Indian Constitution, these beliefs, rituals, and traditions should be preserved because they have existed for thousands of years. Therefore, even while Article 25 protects the right to practise one’s religion, any religious institution’s poor management and financial irregularities must be dealt with firmly for the sake of maintaining temple discipline. The state must strike a fine balance between upholding temple worshipers and temple administration in accordance with the Indian Constitution. Because the statute is deemed to be discriminatory in this instance, it must be ruled unconstitutional on its whole rather than being partially severed.

The Government should establish a commission for temple affairs that includes all non-Hindu religious leaders, matadipathis, religious experts, social reformers, and other experts in accordance with the Supreme Court’s decision in the case of The Commissioner, Hindu v. Sri Lakshmindra Thirtha Swamiar, and then pass a uniform law in accordance with that decision. Depending on their religious convictions and the fundamental principles of our constitution, the government may also take different regulatory approaches for temples, math, Jain communities, etc.

The legislature, which finally decides whether or not to adopt religious reformative legislation, is in charge of establishing a consistent legal framework for Hindu sects. In accordance with the Constitution, we would defer to the legislature’s decision. Even though it’s crucial to note, we believe it’s proper for the government to outlaw any immoral or corrupt practices in Hindu organizations, if any are there at all. This would be a significant improvement for Hindu temple reform. It was necessary to enact the Hindu Religious & Charitable Endowment Act in order to better manage, safeguard, and preserve India’s temples and their endowed properties as well as to carry out its stated purposes within constraints that do not interfere with the right to practice one’s religion guaranteed by the Indian Constitution.

REFERENCES

  1. Need for Government Control over Religious and Charitable Endowment.- Sunder Singh Yadav, Assistant Professor, Government P.G. Law College, Alwar, Rajasthan. In Journal of Advances and Scholarly Researches in Allied Education | Multidisciplinary Academic Research.
  2. Ronojoy Sen (2007). Legalizing Religion: The Indian Supreme Court and Secularism, East-West centre Washington.
  3. The National Foundation for Communal Harmony, Secularism and the Law, New Delhi, 2010.
  4. B.R. Haran, HR & CE Act: A Fraud on the Constitution, bharatabharati.wordpress.com.
  5. T.R. Ramesh, HR & CE Act
  6. The Object of the HR & CE Act, www.malabardevaswom.kerala.gov.in.

This article is written by Bhagyashri Neware, doing LLM(2021- 2022) from Maharashtra National Law University, Aurangabad.

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