This article provides the readers with an insight into the Gains of Hindu Learning Act of 1930 by analyzing the act in detail, pointing out the loopholes, and providing suggestions.

Introduction

Hindu law is known for its existence from ancient sources and scripts written by scholars. These sources have originated centuries back, and the soul of Hindu law lies in these texts which include almost every matter of the current scenario from marriage, divorce, rights, and duties of spouses to property and maintenance. Matters pertaining to property were always debated, even in the contemporary era. The property which is earned, whether it comes under coparcenary or self-acquired property and their definitions of how a property can be classified into either of the categories were always a matter of discussion for an extended period until the Hindu gains of learning act were passed 1930. The Joint Hindu family has its traces in the patriarchal society where Karta was the head of the family and he took all the decisions. There was no room for the self-acquired property. The self-acquired property was legally recognized after this act came into effect. The core meaning of this act signifies all the properties a person earns through his learnings. Learning can be in any educational form. Any property a person earns by the application of his education or by any trade practices or profession is self-acquired property. It is recognized under the gains of learning act that he has the sole right over the property, and no other person even a member of the Joint Hindu family, can have control over it. This article aims to deeply analyze the importance of gains of the Hindu Learning Act 1930 by quoting various relevant judgments and individual property rights.

Historical Backdrop

Coparcenary property is passed on from generation as of amendment passed in the year 2005, both males and females have equal rights over the ancestral property. This makes the individuals have joint possession of the property. The coparcenary property however cannot be disposed of by any of the individuals. One can only dispose of his share of the property. However, as one individual owns the self-acquired property, it can be disposed of by him.

Before 1930, the position of self-acquired property was unknown; therefore, there were many conflicting views. The self-acquired property itself was not recognized under a separate law. The earlier rule was unjust as no person could have self-acquired property because it was of the view that any property earned through the fund of a Joint Hindu family will naturally become a part of the joint Hindu family. It even includes educational funding. Even if an individual’s education was funded by the joint-Hindu family, and he earns property through his efforts and learnings, it would still count as joint property. Subsequently, in the year 1930, to give clarity regarding the partition of the property, the Hindu gains of learning act was passed. The first attempt to pass this legislature was made in the year 1898 in the madras legislature. Sir Bhashyam Iyengar was the one to make this attempt. Nevertheless, it went in vain because of the veto powers of the governor in the year 1901. Later the act came into effect on the year 25th July 1930.

The main motive behind passing this act was fulfilled by removing the loopholes regarding property distribution and clearing the ambiguous nature of property rights. This act started to realize the efforts and learnings of an individual to earn property. The learnings of the individual are dominant rather than the means of learning. Whether funding to provide learning was through the joint family was less important. On the contrary, this act was not initiated to give property to the individual blindly. A thin line of distinction was drawn between individual rights on property and coparcenary rights. When the coparcener sets up a private firm with the earnings of the joint family, then the share of the organization’s profit must be shared between other coparceners. On the other hand, the salary earned by applying own skills belongs to the coparcener only. This gave clarity to the act. The only property earned through direct funding comes under the family’s rights.

Judicial Position After the Act

In the case, Durvasula Gangadharudu v. Durvasula Narasammah and Ors1 the matter of discussion was whether the property earned by a lawyer employing his profession comes under self-acquired. The court in this case held that it would depend on the factual circumstances. In most cases, the education or learnings of the lawyer would be funded by the family so that it would be treated as a jointly owned property. This led to not realizing the efforts of the individual to acquire a property. The individual’s consent on whether he wanted to share the property was of no value. This led to holding every member of the joint Hindu family jointly responsible for legal conflicts arising from the property. Moreover, it resulted in undue pressure on children as they naturally become part of the property through coparcenary rights before attaining maturity to understand the consequences and their rights. A property earned by an artist, exhibiting his own talent and skills was still considered joint property. There was no value given to his skills. A property was realized as self-earned only when there was no direct or indirect funding source. In the case, of Laleshman Mayaram v. Jamnabai,2 the petitioner was a lawyer by profession and a judge filed a petition for claiming self-acquired property. The family funded only elementary education, and every other achievement was self-earned. So, his acquired property was considered self-acquired. In another case, Amar Nath Gokulchand v. Hukum Chand Nathul Mal.,3 Gokulchand spent 7 years abroad for his education. When he returned, the property he earned was partitioned between the family. This was later challenged. The court held that even though he did his education abroad, there was no proof that he funded the education with self-earned money. The family’s earnings funded it. Therefore, the property is subjected to partition.

In the case, Chandrakant Manilal Shah And Anr., v. Commissioner of Income Tax,4 Chandrakant Manila, the Karta in the joint Hindu family along with his son Naresh Manila started a partnership firm. But the partnership was held invalid because no earnings or property or any asset was contributed by the son which is necessary for a partnership. He only contributed skill and labour. Court held the partnership valid, stating the fact that according to the gains of the Hindu Learning act, even skills and learnings to acquire property are recognized under the self-acquired property.

In Balbir Singh Uppal and Anr., v. Gurmeet Singh Uppal and Ors.5 The petitioner was residing in Pakistan and owned some ancestral property in Pakistan. But after the partition, he moved to Delhi and started residing in Delhi with his son (defendant). The petitioner gave a share of the joint family property to the son to start his business. The issue was whether the profit earned in the business should be shared with the joint family. The court in this case made a significant observation. It was stated that in matters where the capital of the business is contributed more by the assets of the joint family, then the profit of the business should be shared with the family. But if the learnings of the individual play a more significant role in the business than the capital then it is not necessary to yield the profit. In the present case, as the business was of herbal medicines, the knowledge of the defendant was more important in the business regarding different herbs. The family property was just a supplement in the business for support. Therefore, it was held that the earnings are self-acquired.

Loopholes and Conclusion

One of the major loopholes of the act was that the reasonable amount clause was not added to the Hindu gains of Learning Act, of 1930. The law allows the members of the joint family to use the funds of the family for self-acquiring property through learning. But the proportion in which these funds can be used was not mentioned anywhere. This may result in a disproportion in the distribution of the resources and members might take unfair advantage of it. In the present scenario, the cost of education is also increasing and differs from place to place. This would result in a substantial loss in the family fund. The same concept of reasonable proportion is applied in other fields of Hindu law as well. Where the daughter has the same right as the sons to get a proportional share of the property.

Another important suggestion is when the family fund is used by the member for learning purposes, he should have the moral obligation to repay it in any form to the family. Similar to the right of the son to repay the father’s debts in Hindu law. In the current scenario, more important to determine cases regarding property is to differentiate them based on whether the property is attained through learning. This ignores the fact that learning is gained only through the proper allocation of the family fund. Learnings are something that cannot be measured it is intangible.

Another vital motive behind this right was to improve the status of widows. When the property earned is considered joint property, and after the passing away of the member, it did not provide widows with the status to get a share of the property. This resulted in deteriorating their condition in society and being vulnerable to poverty. To uplift their status, this act was important. The matter of the hour is only to preserve the joint family’s fund. The family and its members should complement each other where funds are proportionally allocated to its members, and in return, the members owe an obligation to the family.


References

  1. Durvasula Gangadharudu v Durvasula Narasammah and Ors, (1872) Mad. H.C. 47
  2. Laleshman Mayaram v Jamnabai, (1882) I.L.R. 6 Bom. 225.
  3. Amar Nath Gokulchand v Hukum Chand Nathul Mal, 1921 (23) BomLR 671.
  4. Chandrakant Manilal Shah and Anr., v Commissioner of Income Tax, [1991] INSC 272.
  5. Balbir Singh Uppal and Anr., v Gurmeet Singh Uppal and Ors, SR. NO. 307 I.E CWP 17923 OF 2005.

This article is written by Vishal Menon, from Symbiosis Law School, Hyderabad.

Submissions are invited by way of a Call for Blogs for the Restructuring and Insolvency Law Journal (RILJ Blog) of NUALS Kochi, on a rolling basis.

ABOUT

The National University of Advanced Legal Studies is a uni-disciplinary university in Kochi, India for undergraduate, graduate and post-graduate legal education. It is the only National Law University in the state of Kerala. 

The Centre for Parliamentary and Legal Studies (CPSLR), NUALS, brings to you the Restructuring and Insolvency Journal of Law, an erudite publication and discussion forum especially designed to examine both the practical and theoretical issues and opinions in this increasingly important area of law which is of significant concern to the members within and outside the corporate world. 

It will be a platform to keep its readers abreast of various important topics of interest and current developments and trends in this dynamic field. The RILJ is also the platform to publish our flagship IBC e-Newsletter.

The introduction of IBC E-Newsletter, a student-run peer-reviewed publication in late 2018, was the first successful step towards consolidating and providing quarterly updates in the insolvency and bankruptcy regime. It is exclusively dedicated to analyse the developments relating to the field of insolvency, restructuring and bankruptcy happening in India as well as around the globe.

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The contributions must deal with a contemporary issue of insolvency and bankruptcy law or corporate restructuring law. The article must analyse a novel, yet a contemporary issue.

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NUALS Constitutional Studies Review Blog is accepting submissions on a rolling basis.

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The National University of Advanced Legal Studies is a public law school and a National Law University located in Kochi, India. It is the first and only National Law University in the State of Kerala and one of the 23 NLUs in India. Submissions on a rolling basis on any topic related to constitutional law and comparative constitutional law. We welcome submissions from students, early career researchers, policymakers, academics, legal practitioners, and members of civil society organisations.

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UPES, School of Law, Dehradun is inviting submissions through a call for blogs for its Society for Constitutional Law & Human Rights blog.

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The University of Petroleum & Energy Studies, commonly known and doing business as UPES, is a private university in Dehradun.

The SCLHR Blog is a student-edited, peer-reviewed and an open-access blog maintained by the Society for Constitutional Law and Human Rights. SCLHR seeks to provide a platform that promotes and sustains informed discussion and dialogue on emerging issues in the field of Constitutional Law and Human Rights.

They further welcome original contributions to widen the scope of the Constitutional study for our readers through their creative and informative research works. Keeping the objective of our society, they highly encourage our authors to explore critical and multidisciplinary perspectives on Constitutional developments in and beyond India.

Hence, with the above objectives in mind, we welcome all submissions on the field of Constitutional Law and Human Rights subject to the following guidelines.

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Students, researchers, academicians, legal practitioners, and those who are enthusiastic to engage in academic discourse.

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Introduction

Since its inception, India has adopted the doctrine of separation of powers, which essentially divides the government into three branches: the legislature, the executive and the judiciary, which are responsible for making the law, implementing the law, and interpreting the law respectively. However, the establishment of a welfare state has greatly increased the government’s sphere of influence to include social security and welfare schemes, such as free or subsidized healthcare and education, rationed food etc. This, in turn, implies a larger number of institutions that are liable to sue or be sued, which inevitably leads to a highly increased workload for the judiciary.

These new cases were interdisciplinary, consisting of elements of social, cultural, and economic importance that were sometimes beyond the black-and-white of legal jargon. The judicial infrastructure, by itself, was not set up to tackle such cases and was found to be inefficient to dispose of these cases swiftly, leading to a huge backlog of cases in courts all around the country. Therefore, a need was felt to introduce quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial institutions that would be better suited to adjudicate on certain important state and central matters, which might not always be strictly legal. Tribunals are thus constituted as a combination of legal professionals and other experts in the areas on which the tribunals are to adjudicate, to ensure a fair, representative and expeditious resolution of cases.

Definition

The word ‘tribunal’ has been defined in various judgments and texts over the years. In Durga Shankar Mehta v. Raghuraj Singh, the Supreme Court defined a tribunal to include all adjudicating bodies constituted by the State and invested with judicial functions. It was said that tribunals were not the same as a court.1 In Associated Cement Co. Ltd. v. P. N. Sharma, the Supreme Court stated that while a tribunal may possess some of the qualities of a court, they are not interchangeable terms. As far as functionality goes, an administrative tribunal is neither exclusively judicial nor solely administrative, but an amalgamation of both.2 In general, the word ‘tribunal’ has taken on the meaning of a quasi-judicial body that is specially instituted to adjudicate on and resolve administrative or tax-related disputes.

Legal provisions

Till 1976, tribunals were not officially recognized by the Constitution of India. They were introduced by the 42nd Amendment Act, 1976, under Article 323A, which deals with administrative tribunals, and 323B, which deals with tribunals related to other matters. Article 323A states that the Parliament may provide for the adjudication of issues concerning the recruitment and conditions of service of people employed under public services by administrative tribunals. In pursuance of Article 323A of the Indian Constitution, the Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985 was set up, aiming to provide an infrastructure other than the judiciary to adjudicate on matters relating to public services. Section 4 of the Act enumerated three kinds of administrative tribunals. Section 4(1) provides for the establishment of the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) at the level of the Centre, Section 4(2) for tribunals at the state level, and lastly, Section 4(3) for joint tribunals for two or more states, called the Joint Administrative Tribunal (JAT).3

Difference Between Courts and Tribunals

While both courts and tribunals are designed to adjudicate legal matters, there are certain essential differences. While courts are part of the judicial system, tribunals are agents of the judicial system. Courts can try all suits whereas tribunals can only adjudicate on specific issues. Further, a court of law is bound by the procedural framework and the law of evidence while a tribunal is not, and functions based on the principles of natural justice.

Can tribunals substitute the high courts’ power of judicial review?

Through Section 28 of the Administrative Tribunals Act of 1985, the power of judicial review had been taken away from the Supreme Court as well as the High Courts, as envisaged under Clause 2(d) of Article 323-A of the Constitution. While the Supreme Court was granted its power of judicial review back in 1986, the High Courts still had no jurisdiction, which was in other cases granted to it under Article 226 of the Constitution. The constitutional validity of such a provision was challenged and expounded upon in the case S. P. Sampath Kumar v. Union of India. As regards the question of whether the jurisdiction of High Courts under Article 226 could be taken away, the Supreme Court referred to the case Minerva Mills Ltd. & Ors. v. Union of India & Ors., wherein it was held that the jurisdiction of the High Courts could only be limited if an equally efficacious alternative was put into effect.

he Court held that since the administrative tribunals are supposed to substitute the High Courts, they must be comprised of competent personnel who have had sufficient legal training and knowledge to be on par with the High Court judges. Therefore, it was decided that only a previous High Court judge or a vice-chairman of a tribunal with an experience of two or more years could become the Chairman of a tribunal. It was concluded that while the Supreme Court will retain its original and appellate jurisdiction, the tribunals will substitute the High Courts.4 However, this judgment was overturned by a 7-judge bench in the case L. Chandrakumar v Union of India & Ors.

The Court held that the power of judicial review that has been granted to the High Courts under Article 226 of the Constitution is a part of its basic structure and therefore cannot be done away with. It was therefore held that the tribunals could in no way substitute the jurisdiction of the High Courts and can only supplement and support them in their functions. The tribunals will function under the supervision of the High Courts, where decisions of the tribunals will be capable of being appealed.5

Flaws in the Tribunals System

While the idea behind establishing administrative tribunals to act as supplements to higher judiciary sounds good, the on-ground implementation of it has fallen short. The arbitrariness of conduct in tribunals, a lack of a standardized procedure, as well as the method of appointment of personnel, has contributed to the incompetence of these institutions and a failure to garner public support. Unlike Courts, the tribunals are not independent and are subject to executive control, even in the appointment of members, which is why experts and qualified professionals are often hesitant to join them, contributing to the overall incompetency. More often than not, the mandatory judicial quota of the tribunal membership is taken up by retired judges who are not acquainted with modern legislation or other judges who are incompetent for the HC and the SC and use tribunals as stepping stones to angle the trajectory of their careers upwards.

The restrictions on appointments are such that experts in the field who will truly be able to do justice to a problem have no way in. For example, in 2021, the National Company Law Tribunal appointed retired District judges as well as other field professionals, who are unequipped to deal with dynamic corporate law problems. The minimum age requirement of 50 years made the practicing experts in the fields of company law, insolvency law, etc., who would have ensured speedy and efficient management of cases, ineligible for being appointed. On top of this, most tribunals have major vacancies and no active effort is made to fill them. All this results in negating the purpose of establishing tribunals in the first place, as it neither manages to serve justice nor reduce the burden on the Courts. The government directs district courts to pick up the overflowing work from these tribunals, essentially giving rise to a roundabout system of what would have happened had the tribunals never been established.

A majority of the decisions taken by tribunals, even those in which the government is involved, are appealed in the higher courts that usually overturn the tribunals’ decisions. It is hard, in this scenario, to appreciate the value of tribunals in fulfilling their purpose. While they are meant to supplement the High Courts, neither the personnel nor the judicial acumen, nor the confidence in judgments, is comparable to those of the High Courts.6 Another major issue is that tribunals are heavily controlled by their respective ministries as they are dependent on them for funding, infrastructure and administration.

Therefore, certain tribunals such as the Debt Recovery Tribunal, which functions under the Ministry of Finance, and the Armed Forces Tribunal, which functions under the Ministry of Defence, often find themselves bound by a double obligation as they might have to pass orders against the ministry itself from which it sustains itself. This may sometimes cause a failure of justice.

Suggested Reforms

A report titled “Reforming the Tribunals Framework in India” by the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy studied the work of 37 central tribunals and identified the lack of independence as a major limitation of Indian tribunals. Since the selection committee for the tribunals are also in part constituted by members of the executive, they do not enjoy the level of independence enjoyed by the judiciary, and the selection of members is often biased, arbitrary and unfair to play into the government’s interests. In the case Union of India v R. Gandhi, the Supreme Court stated that these selection committees must comprise both members of the judiciary as well as the executive in equal proportions. The report recorded that the precedent set out by the Apex Court is not being followed in practice, and suggested that an independent and autonomous body such as the National Tribunals Commission must be set up to supervise the establishment and administration of the tribunals.

The setting up of a body like the NTC was also supported by the Supreme Court in the case Rojer Matthew v South Indian Bank Ltd. & Ors. The NTC must ensure that the tribunals obtain their independence from the influence of other powers by prioritizing members of the judiciary. The report suggested the formation of a nine-member committee, of which five must be from the judiciary, in order to achieve this. The report also elaborated on a standardized entrance exam (All India Entrance Examination for Tribunals) for appointment to tribunals, thereby eliminating the risk of biases and enabling objectivity and uniformity in the appointment of members. Further, a single overarching body like the NTC shall remove non-uniformity in the administration of tribunals, as it will be the sole body overseeing the funding, functioning and efficacy of all the tribunals.7

In 2021, a Tribunals Reforms Bill (later passed) was introduced in the Lok Sabha by Nirmala Sitharaman which proposed the dissolution of certain appellate tribunals and delegating their functions to other judicial institutions. For example, cases under the Copyright Act will be heard by the Commercial Court of the Commercial Division of a High Court. It also recommends the merging of tribunals that work in the same domain to consolidate and standardize the administration of similar cases. The Bill also set the minimum age criteria for members at 50 years, and the maximum at 70 for the Chairperson and 67 for other members.8

References

  1. Durga Shankar Mehta v. Raghuraj Singh, AIR 1954 SC 520
  2. Associated Cement Co. Ltd. v. P. N. Sharma, AIR 1965 SC 1595
  3. The Administrative Tribunals Act, No. 13, Acts of Parliament, 1985
  4. S. P. Sampath Kumar v Union of India, 1987 AIR 386
  5. L. Chandra Kumar v Union of India & Ors., 1995 AIR 1151
  6. Murali Neelakantan, Indian Tribunals – Is the Path to Hell Paved with Good Intention (?, SCC Online, 10 November 2022).
  7. Arijeet Ghosh & Reshma Sekhar, What We Can Do to Reform the Tribunals Framework in India, (The Wire, 10 November 2022).

This article is written by Aanya Sharma, currently pursuing law at Campus Law Centre, Faculty of Law, University of Delhi.

INTRODUCTION

Numerous legal challenges, from intellectual property protection to space finance, are raised by cross-border investment in private space activities as well as the dynamically shifting nature of space firms. These issues call for legal clarity. As a result of these concerns, states have passed national space laws to handle a variety of problems relating to civilian space activity. A review of extant national space law models finds a lack of uniformity among national strategies.

In response to these various approaches, the International Law Association (ILA) presented a draft Model Law on National Outer Space Legislation (ILA Model Law) in 2012. This was followed by the United Nations Peaceful Uses of Outer Space; Refined by the United Nations Outer Space Treaty. Some states have adopted a purely trade-oriented approach, while others seek to strike a balance between the commercial interests of private actors and the principles of common rights enshrined in that treaty. To reach a certain level of harmonization in the creation of national space laws, the Council discussed this at its 52nd meeting, which took place in 2013.

In terms of space activities, India has advanced remarkably since the start of the twenty-first century. However, because of India’s low-cost operations, the private sector is also demonstrating considerable interest in space investment. India is developing as one of the few states in the league of states to approach celestial bodies. As they must be held responsible and accountable for civilian space activities following the United Nations space treaties, these advances are not without legal complications.

The Outer Space Treaty’s Article 6(3) mandates that States also take on global responsibility for the actions of non-governmental organizations and that these non-governmental actions be acknowledged by States and subject to ongoing oversight. Article VII(4) of the Outer Space Treaty defines responsibility for damage brought on by space activities, whether carried out by a “launching State,” a public or private organization, and this is continued by the Liability Treaty. These elements enable orderly growth, call for statutory regulation of civilian space operations, and unduly harm the public interest by holding States responsible and liable for harms brought on by civilian space activities. managed to avoid.

India has been trying to pass a national space law for almost 20 years. Over the last 6 years, more serious efforts have been made to facilitate discussions at the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) level and prestigious law schools such as the NLSIU, Bangalore etc.

ISRO eventually drafted the Space Activities Bill 2017 (Bill) and made it available for public comment in 2017. However, the bill has not yet been approved by the government and is not a legally binding document.

The current COVID-19 situation has severely damaged the Indian economy and the Indian government is developing several initiatives to address this issue and strengthen the economy. Further privatization of the Indian space industry is one of the most important attempts in this direction. The Government of India’s intentions in this area is demonstrated by the recent announcement of the establishment of the Indian National Space Propulsion and Authorization Center (IN-SPACe) to facilitate private sector involvement in space operations.

According to current plans, the space sector will be further commercialized by private companies, allowing them to build their satellite launch facilities in addition to using ISRO launch facilities. Restrictions on foreign direct investment in the space sector have been relaxed, boosting space projects and allowing access to funding from other countries. But for efficient implementation, each of these proposals requires a balanced national space law. Therefore, it is now more important than ever to scrutinize the 2017 bill to understand its limitations and rewrite it to enact comprehensive legislation.1

SIGNIFICANT FEATURES

All Indian citizens are covered, as are all industries involved in space-related activities inside and outside India. The central government grants non-transferable licenses to all persons involved in commercial space activities. The central government establishes the necessary licensing procedures, eligibility criteria, and fees, maintaining a register of all space objects (all objects launched or to be launched on Earth). It oversees the conduct and operations of space activities and provides professional and technical support for commercial space activities. It oversees all India’s space activities, ensures that they are conducted safely, and investigates incidents and accidents that may occur during space activities. Information about the cost of goods made possible by space activities and technology should be communicated to individuals or organizations in a prescribed manner. Those who engage in commercial space activities without a permit face up to three years in prison, fines exceeding $1 million, or both. It also contains rules to protect intellectual property rights generated by space activities.2

IMPACT

The Space Activities Act will significantly strengthen the Indian space industry. The Indian space industry has been constrained for years by a lack of clear and supportive regulations. Geospatial World, in its in-depth look at India’s space startups, found that a lack of funding and open politics means companies have found ways to survive, and in some cases, the ecosystem has been more active than in the past. According to a PwC study, India’s space economy is valued at $7 billion, or about 2% of the world’s space economy. Analysis shows that the Indian space industry needs to expand at a CAGR of almost 48% in the next few years to reach the $50 billion target.

The time has come for policies that allow private companies to reach their full potential. With significant market advantages, such as high demand for space services in areas such as agriculture and financial services, a strong domestic manufacturing base, a rich talent pool, and the ability to leverage IT skills, the Space Activities Act is expected to facilitate such which can play a crucial role.3

CHALLENGES

Despite having the dual goals of regulating and promoting space activities, the draft bill adopts an excessively regulatory approach, viewing regulation as control, through a complex licensing system, giving legally binding instructions, imposing several terms and conditions on the licensee, and asking them to provide information, inquiring into their affairs, and creating a variety of offenses. Alarmingly, this is coupled with the absence of any clause requiring the regulatory authority to be accountable and transparent. According to Clause 26 of the Bill, the Central Government is not liable for anything done in good faith following the Bill and the rules issued under it. Judicial review, a fundamental component of the Constitution, is expressly excluded from the Bill, and this raises severe concerns about its validity. In addition, the proposed Bill merely provides a general regulatory framework that is lacking in many crucial specifics. It suffers from excessive delegation since it grants the Central Government broad authority to make rules without providing much advice on how to use them. A draft bill centred on the concept of licensing includes the authority to specify the qualifying requirements for licensing.

Numerous further issues are found when the draft bill’s substantive sections are examined. First off, it’s unclear how far the Bill will apply. It is stated in clause 1(2) that it applies to aircraft and other airborne vehicles registered in India, which could result in uncertainty about the need for a license for specific aviation activities. In addition, the Bill only applies to Indian citizens and government or private entities registered in India, excluding applications to foreigners and foreign entities. As a result, the application clause must cover all individuals, regardless of nationality, in cases where space activities are carried out in collaboration with foreign persons. Given that space is a major theme, it is unclear why the Act should take effect on various dates in each state.4

LIMITATIONS

The bill’s explanation emphasizes the need for national space legislation to support increased commercial participation in space activities and to comply with the requirements of international space agreements. “The legal environment should be one that only supports the continued growth of the space business in India, not just a regulatory and restrictive regime,” the explanation added, making another suggestion. This strategy parallels how the United States is moving toward full-scale commercialization of space. Such a decision to prioritize economic interests over international treaty requirements is unwelcome.

According to the description, the bill builds on her ILA model law and recognizes different approaches in other states. A careful examination of the drafts reveals that there are also significant differences in the ILA Model Law.5

CONCLUSION

While the bill is a welcome step to boost the space industry, it separates space-based and ground-based activities to address business operations, international obligations, national security concerns, and intellectual property. Protection should allow for the creation of specific laws. To create a competitive ecosystem for the space industry, all stakeholders must be consulted, and the management of the space value chain and its incorporation into legislation must take global best practices into account.6


CITATIONS

  1. Sandeepa Bhat B, A Critique on the Indian Draft Space Activities Bill 2017, Mary Ann Liebert Inc Publishers(16 Mar 2022) Available at: https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/10.1089/space.2021.0042
  2. The Editor, Draft Space Activities Bill, 2017, drishtiias (13 Dec,2018) Available at: https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/draft-space-activities-bill-2017
  3. Avneep Dhingra,Space Activities Bill: What’s the current status; why is it important?,GW Prime(30 July, 2021) Availvable at: https://www.geospatialworld.net/article/space-activities-bill-whats-the-current-status-why-is-it-important-eos/
  4. Ms. Rima Hore,A CRITIQUE OF THE DRAFT SPACE ACTIVITIES BILL, 2017,ASLaltjournal (Last Visited: 28 September, 2022) Available at: https://www.cmr.edu.in/school-of-legal-studies/journal/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Article-5-1.pdf
  5. Supra note 1
  6. Supra note 2

This article has been written by Jay Kumar Gupta. He is currently a second-year BBA LL.B.(Hons.) student at the School of Law, Narsee Monjee Institute of Management Studies, Bangalore.

Introduction

Communalism was an element of Indian history before Indian independence. It did, however, develop fiercely in India’s contemporary politics, driven by British colonization. The emergence and development of communalism have their unique histories. In reality, the British tactic of “divide and rule” included communalism, which may be dated back to the period before independence. Hindus and Muslims came together during India’s first war of independence [1857] to drive away British Empire. The British put an end to the movement and later began using the “divide and rule” strategy to incite Muslims against Hindus and vice versa. Communalism is employed in a variety of ways to obtain a political benefit or to cause community conflict.

India’s religious and cultural diversity inspires communalism as a political notion. It has been used as a political propaganda weapon to incite communal animosity and violence among communities based on religious and ethnic identity. It doesn’t take much intelligence to notice that communalism is rapidly increasing in India. Leaders connected to the current administration have called for the annihilation of Muslims; meanwhile, what are supposed to be more moderate voices on that side are raising a number of concerns that target Muslim daily life, such as their call to prayer, the wearing of the hijab by Muslim women, and the sale of Halal meat.

Attachment to a religious community does not constitute communalism. A person’s religiosity toward a community does not imply communalism. However, employing a religious community against other groups and the entire nation is communalism. In contemporary society, communalism is blind adherence to one’s own religious group. It is characterized as a weapon for or against mobilizing people through communal service appeals. Dogmatism and religious fanaticism are linked to communalism.

Factors behind Communalism prevalence in India

The Indian Constitution guarantees citizens several essential rights (i.e. individuals). In the case of minorities, however, the entire community has been granted fundamental rights under Articles 28, 29, and 30, which provide that they are free to administer their own educational institutions and have the right to preserve their own culture. However, these rights are employed above and beyond individual rights by personal law boards governed by their own community laws. As shown in the Shah Bano case.

There is also animosity toward such personal rules, and there is growing support for a uniform civil code, which is also referenced in Article 44 of the Indian constitution’s Directive principle for states. This will assist to bridge religious divides. In the lack of a uniform civil law, all communities are perceived to have conflicting and contradictory interests. As a result, community-based pressure organizations bargain on behalf of their own community. These communities struggle for power and resources at the political level. This competitiveness leads to huge wars. Politicians attempt to convert these communities into vote banks, and various communities become watertight compartments.

Since its independence, India has pursued the notion of nation-building based on secularism. Even after 68 years of freedom, India is still on fire from communalism. However, there are several explanations for this. However, just a few of them have been explored here, with the awareness that the causes that play a part in the maintenance of communalism are:-the first religious, and the second political. The third one is socioeconomic, and the fourth is global.

In the first case, religious fundamentalism should be held accountable for communalism. After all, fundamentalists believe that “our belief alone is real” and that “the rest is wrong or inadequate.” According to this mindset, when members of any religious group, sect, or sub-sect engage in their activities, they are bound to clash with others. The reason is self-evident. They lack tolerance, which is essential in a country like India, which has many distinct religious sects. They become the source of conflict, hostility, and strife.

Politicians have also played a major part in escalating communal tensions in India. Politics was at the heart of India’s agonizing partition in 1947 in the name of a specific religious group. However, even after paying a high price in the form of division, we may discover political parties or their followers directly or indirectly involved in many subsequent riots. Along with this, the strategy of appeasement, selection of candidates based on community, sect, sub-sect, and caste, and inflaming religious feelings before elections all contributed to the emergence of communalism. These abuses are still being carried out, and the country is suffering as a result. Many negative consequences of these actions can be seen.

Though India’s socioeconomic conditions have improved since independence and economic reforms since 1991 have been essential in improving such situations, there are still numerous obstacles in front of Indian society that pose a danger to its variety. Population, poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment all produce a lot of compulsions, especially among the younger generation. As a result, many members of the younger generation, who are unemployed and living in poverty, become involved in evils such as communalism. Efforts to eradicate poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment are not yielding the expected results.

External forces (including non-state actors) also have a role in exacerbating and escalating the communalism problem. We cannot name any specific country in this respect, but researchers and people who think about this issue on a regular basis have underlined this fact.

The following are the primary causes for external factors’ engagement or influence in riots:

  1. To create an unstable environment in order to become socially weak;
  2. To wish for compassion from minorities;
  3. attempting to undermine a foreign country’s economic system; and
  4. In order to mask their own inadequacy

Outcomes of Communalism

The most serious consequence of communalism is communal tensions or rioting. When religious issues are politicized, it leads not just to communalism but also to fascism as well as to communal riots. Riots that occur as a result of conflicts between two or more communities’ communal interests are referred to as communal riots.

Communal violence is a phenomenon in which members of two distinct religious communities band together and attack one other with sentiments of hatred and animosity. The revival of Hindu-Muslim economic struggle, particularly among the poor and middle classes, has fostered communalism. In addition, social media has proven to be an efficient instrument for sharing information about communal tensions or riots in any section of the country.

The absence of interpersonal confidence and understanding between two groups frequently results in perceptions of threat, harassment, fear, and significant risk in one community towards the members of the other community, which in turn leads to fights, hatred, and rage phobia. We are all aware of the consequences of communism. The poor are the genuine victims of mass massacres; they lose their homes, their loved ones, their lives, their livelihoods, and so on. It violates human rights from every angle. Sometimes children will lose their parents and become orphans for life, with no one to care for them.

In addition to having an impact on society, it is a danger to Indian constitutional norms that encourage secularism and religious tolerance. In that circumstance, citizens fail to fulfil their essential responsibilities to the nation. It poses a danger to the nation’s unity and integrity as a whole. It just spreads hostility in all ways, splitting society along communal lines. Aside from this, minorities are viewed with mistrust by everyone, including state officials like as police, paramilitary forces, the army, intelligence services, and so on. There have been several occasions where members of this group have been harassed and jailed, only to be freed guilt-free by court rulings. There is no mechanism for compensating such victims for lost livelihood income, social humiliation, or emotional distress to their families.

Such things are a bump in the road for society and an obstacle to its progress. This is also one of the reasons that India is still classified as a “developing nation,” because such activities frequently harm the country’s human resources and economy. Again, it takes years for individuals and impacted areas to recover from the horrors of such violence, which has a profound influence on the brains of those who have experienced it. They have been emotionally shattered and insecure their entire lives.

Some Infamous Cases of Communal Violence in India

  • Partition of India, 1947-Following partition, millions of people was compelled to relocate from both sides of the border. Hindus in Pakistan and Muslims in India were massacred in large numbers, women were raped, and many children were orphaned. There was hatred everywhere, and violence saw nothing but bloodshed. Later, it became a refugee problem, and their rehabilitation became one of the most difficult challenges for independent India.
  • There were no major religious riots until 1961 when the Jabalpur riots rocked the country more because of the economic struggle between a Hindu and a Muslim bidi producer than any electoral competition.
  • In the 1960s, a series of riots erupted in the eastern section of India, mainly in Rourkela, Jamshedpur, and Ranchi, in 1964, 1965, and 1967, in areas where Hindu refugees from then-East Pakistan were being placed.
  • In April 1974, violence erupted in a chawl, or tenement, in Mumbai’s Worli district as police attempted to disperse a Dalit Panthers gathering that had become violent after fights with the Shiv Sena.
  • After Indira Gandhi’s death in October 1984, anti-Sikh riots erupted in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, and other regions of India, killing around 4000 Sikhs.

One thing is consistent in all of these and hundreds of previous riots: the vast majority of casualties had nothing to do with community animosity. In summary, perpetrators of violence and victims of violence are distinct individuals. Similar to the preceding list, there are many others that have impacted the masses and killed individuals on a big scale. Bombay bombing in 1993, Lashkar-e-Toiba attack on Akshardham in 2002, and Varanasi bombing in 2006 are only a few examples of anti-Hindu incidents.

Steps to be taken to deal with Communalism

Communalism is a crippling paralysis that must be addressed. Communal Riots are a constant danger to religious unity in our country. They must be dealt with and handled efficiently. A few recommendations in this respect may be made. While making proposals is simple, putting them into action is a significant difficulty. There is a need for reform in the current criminal justice system; quick trials and proper recompense for victims may serve as deterrents.

The increased presence of minorities and underrepresented groups in all branches of law enforcement, as well as training of forces on human rights, particularly in the use of guns in compliance with the UN code of conduct. Codified standards for administration, specialized training for the police force to deal with communal riots, and the establishment of specific investigative and prosecuting organizations can all help to reduce serious communal discontent.

Value-oriented education, with a focus on the values of peace, nonviolence, compassion, secularism, and humanism, as well as developing scientific temper (enshrined as a fundamental duty) and rationalism as core values in children in both schools and colleges/universities, can be critical in preventing communal feelings. Media, films, and other cultural outlets can have an impact on encouraging peace and cooperation. Though all of these practices are popular in India, there is definitely a need for development in this area.

Thus, concerted efforts are required to address the problem of communalism in India. Everyone must carry out their responsibilities. If we do this, there will undoubtedly be harmony. Everyone will benefit. This must be done; it was Mahatma Gandhi’s ambition for a free India.

Conclusion

Communalism has taken a toll on Indian residents and has, directly and indirectly, harmed many families. The communal problem should be addressed via communication and understanding. Steps should be done to encourage unity through cultural exchange programmes. Globalization has also brought the world closer together and contributed to the reduction of communalism in several nations, including India.

References

  1. Communalism – Definition and its Types (unacademy.com)
  2. Communalism – ONLYIAS – Nothing else | UPSC IAS EXAM PREPARATION
  3. Communalism (drishtiias.com)
  4. 6 Major Social Issues in India: Causes and Measures (sociologygroup.com)
  5. Ahuja, R. (2014). Social problems in India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications.

This article is written by Devishee Arora, a 4th-year B.COM LLB (Hons.) student at Amity Law School, Noida

INTRODUCTION

India is a democratic country; therefore, the people of the country are its superheroes. The government, constitution, laws, and others, as such, all exist for the people and by the people. So, laws are meant for the citizens of the country, and they can be shaped by the people. In India, the law-making process is carried on by the central or union government for the whole country and by each state government for each state, as well as the local municipal councils and districts for their respective districts. The Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha are India’s two legislative houses, and for a law to be passed in India, it must pass through the two legislative houses of the parliament of India. A bill is used to present legislative proposals to either house of the Indian Parliament.

 A bill is a draught legislative proposal that, after being approved by both chambers of parliament and the president, becomes law. A law is not passed or enforced as such. It is first crafted as a bill by the legislative houses, and before it is enforced or passed, the bill must be passed or approved by both houses. A bill is a drafted legislative proposal that, after being approved by both chambers of parliament and the president, becomes law. After the bill has been drafted, it must be publicized in the newspapers and the people must be given a democratic opportunity to comment. The legislature must adopt a bill before it becomes a law, and in most situations, the administration must also approve it. A bill is referred to as an act of the legislature or a statute once it has been made into law. The President can assent, withhold assent, and send the measure back for consideration, and he can also sit on it if both houses of Congress concur. The bill then passes both houses if they agree. The president will then sign this agreed-upon bill into law, making it applicable throughout the country. 

DEMOCRATIZATION IN LAW-MAKING       

As a democratic country, there must be public participation in the law-making process. As a democratic country, there must not only be the right to franchise and elect their representative but the people must also participate in the law-making process. In the democratization of law-making, the central government must publish the details of the legislation. The drafted bill must contain the provisions, its impact on the environment and the lives of the affected people. The public must be given 30 days to comment. Comments are submitted to the parliamentary standing committee to amend the necessary provisions in the bill to make the bill people-friendly.

THE PRE-LEGISLATIVE CONSULTATION POLICY

The Pre-Legislative Consultation Policy was developed by the Central Government in 2014. This policy gives individuals like you and me the opportunity to participate in the drafting of laws before it is to made or enforced as law in our country. According to this policy, the government must give a chance to all the people of the country to participate in the process of law-making so that the law made by the government is for all. Since the law made by the government will be for the good of the public and since the people themselves are involved in the law-making process, the law made will not be violated on a large scale and will be followed by the majority of the population. This ideology of law-making is successfully achieved by the government publishing the proposals made by the legislative assembly to the general public to receive their feedback on any draught or proposed legislation for at least 30 days. Public consultation is the procedure where you inform the government of your opinions on how a policy might affect you.

These requests for comment must include the proposed legislation or at the very least information about it, such as its financial ramifications and effects on the environment, citizens’ lives and livelihoods, and their fundamental rights. The main objective of the Pre-Legislative Consultation Policy is to assist citizens in legitimate and expanding demands for more transparency from the government. This policy is considered to be the most effective tool for citizens to participate in the process of law-making in our country in a democratic manner.

It is important that laws be drafted in a democratic form. In the first place, we, the people, elect our representatives and they make the laws for us in parliament, and we the people play a crucial role in shaping those laws made by them. They also ensure that the final policy or law drafted is relevant and serves the people for whom it was drafted.

It is essential that we have policy tools like PLP in a nation like ours with such a wide range of interests so that all groups feel as though their opinions are given the proper respect and recognition. To make sure that the government receives useful suggestions from those whose lives will be impacted by its laws, consultation with the pertinent stakeholders is essential.

The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill of 2017, which forbids the practice of triple talaq, is a clear illustration of this. The appropriate organizations weren’t appropriately contacted before the measure was enacted. One of the many errors in the bill is that triple talaq was stated as a cognizable offence. Another alarming development is that the police were given the right to hold Muslim men without any judicial review or inquiry into whether the subject actually warranted detention. In essence, this meant that the rules were still in effect even though neither spouse had filed a formal complaint. Additionally, the government did not draught the measure after engaging with concerned representatives of civil society, such as advocates for women’s rights, defence attorneys, or even Muslims. In this case, the bill or the law passed by the legislative assembly would have been drafted more effectively if a pre-legislative consultative procedure had been used

The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2016, which drastically curtailed the rights of transgender people as recognized in the seminal case of NALSA v. Union of India1, serves as another illustration of how the government neglected to engage with concerned community members. The transgender community essentially rejected the Bill outright because they felt it was not in their best interests because it was not adequately discussed and consulted with during the bill’s development. In short, the Bill incorrectly lumps intersex people and transgender people together, seeing them as interchangeable, and it neglected to adequately address significant issues at the time, like the repeal of Section 377 of the IPC. It also did not respond to the Trans community’s widespread call for inclusive marital and inheritance rules. Another grievous omission was the failure to gender-neutralize offences in order to properly exclude members of the transgender community. In this instance, much more effective legislation could have been drafted if a pre-legislative consultative procedure had been used, in which the Trans community had been properly informed and consulted before the Bill was drafted.

Kerala has set an example for Pre Legislative Consultation Policy. In Kerala, the state ensures public participation to draft its police law. The draft bill was placed on the Kerala police website inviting feedback from the public at large. When the draft bill was introduced in the house at that time there was a district-level town hall meeting. A select Committee was set up and amendments were made which included people-friendly provisions. And Kerala Police Act was passed.

CONCLUSION

There will be effective law-making only when the public also participates in the law-making process. The Second Administrative Reforms Commission has emphasized that public participation in law-making is vital for the functioning of the law-making process. The policy-making and law-making process should be available in regional language also so that the people would understand the law and suggest some changes in the law.  Public comment is essential and necessary changes should also be made by the legislature. Our country should develop a social audit legislation wherein there must be a legal obligation on policymakers to consult the public.  


CITATIONS

1. SC Writ Petition (Civil) No. 400 of 2012

This article is written by Sree Lekshmi B J; third year law student from Sastra University, Thanjavur.

Introduction

A company is a legal entity formed by a group of individuals to get indulged in business. Companies in order to gain profits and reduce competition from the market often involve in activities like mergers and acquisitions. Mergers and acquisitions are a type of reconstruction that helps in expanding the business. Reconstruction is the building up of a completely new structure or description of which one has only a few parts or only partial evidence. In the case of John Holt Nigeria Ltd & Anor v. Holts African Workers Union & ors, Ademola CJN held that it was lawful for the company to re-organize by way of a reconstruction plan to improve its business and profits. Mergers and acquisitions are terms describing the consolidation of companies or assets through various types of financial transactions. Mergers refer to a process when a larger company or company of similar size merges to form a single unit. Acquisitions happen when a larger company acquires a smaller company.

Mergers and Acquisitions in other words can be stated as a business tactic in which the senior executives of the companies foresee the market strategies of economic growth, market competition, higher revenues, and adhering to higher synergies by merging or acquiring a target company to create a higher share in the market. Microsoft acquisition of Intuit (1994-1995); In 1994, Microsoft proposed a deal that would be the largest acquisition ever made in history. Microsoft saw an opportunity in Intuit’s recurring fees for processing online check-writing transactions. If the deal would have fixed Microsoft would have accounted for 90% of the market. The deal was later called off as the U.S. Justice Dept. of April 1995 sued to stop the deal, stating that the combination could lead to higher prices in the market and less competition. In June 2022, the largest acquisition ever made was the takeover of Mannesmann by Vodafone occurred in 2000. Vodafone, a mobile operator company, acquired Mannesmann, a German-owned industrial conglomerate company.

Mergers and acquisitions are some of the best business restructuring processes that have gained substantial prominence in the present-day corporate world. Virtual mergers and acquisitions have become a trend, especially in Covid period but during Covid lockdown mergers and acquisitions were down by 57% in 2020 as compared to 2019.  The modern world requires creative space for the management of its affairs. Mergers and acquisitions help in getting the required technology and the labor for running that technology.

Types of Mergers and Acquisitions Transactions

  • Horizontal- Horizontal merger happens when companies with similar kind of work merge together. This type of merger kills the competition in the market and increases revenue.
  • Vertical- Vertical merger takes place between a company and its supporting small businesses. This helps in expanding business by expanding in the early stages but which later leads to reducing the cost of purchasing.
  • Conglomerate- It is between companies with a completely different types of businesses. It is usually for diversification reasons. Usually, at the time of off-season or when a certain business is growing through losses, it is important that the businesses must have a certain level of investment in other businesses set up to overcome losses from one side of the business.
  • Concentric- When two companies operate in the same business but it is not identical but rather complementary to each other merges.

All these types of mergers have their own significance in the corporate business. All the mergers revolve around the fact that the acquirer company wants to gain profit, eliminate competition from the market, keeping themselves updated with technological advancement.

Forms of Integration

  • Statutory- When an acquirer company is much larger than the target company, the acquirer company after acquiring the target company takes all the assets and liabilities of the target company and that company ceases to exist as a separate entity.
  • Subsidiary- In this form of integration, the target becomes a subsidiary to the acquirer and also maintains its business.
  • Consolidation- In this type of integration, the earlier identity of both the companies ceases to exist and a completely new entity is formed.

The word integration suggests coming together for a cause. Here, companies integrate for meeting their company’s goals and objectives.

Forms of Acquisition

  • Stock purchase: The acquirer pays the target entity shareholders cash or shares in exchange for shares of the target company. Shareholders also bear the tax liability.
  • Asset purchase: The acquirer purchases the target’s assets and pays the target directly. The acquirer will not assume any of the target’s liabilities.

Mergers and Acquisitions Deal Structure

It is a binding agreement between the parties involved in a merger or acquisition. It states what each party involved is entitled to and what they are obliged to do according to the principles laid down by the agreement. Deal structure is simple terms, talks about the terms and conditions of a merger and acquisition. The deal is made on the basis that the top priorities of both the parties are kept upfront and it is made sure that they are satisfied, along with the risk that each party must bear. Three ways of structuring M&A deals are asset acquisition, stock purchase, and mergers.

Stages in Merger and Acquisition

  1. Merger and Acquisition Strategy Process:  The first step is to look at the accelerating business through mergers and acquisitions. The factors involved for the same can be location, raw material, technology, labour, skills etc.  Another most important factor is to arrange finance through loans, cash etc. The third step is to look for a suitable company which can match the expectations lay down by the acquirer company. It is very important to develop a preliminary valuation with the target company.
  2. Target Identification Strategies:  In this stage of merger and acquisition, it is important for acquirer companies to have a strong research work setup for target identification. The future course of actions and estimated profits are calculated through customer choices, technological setup, management etc. of both acquirer and the target company before merging or acquiring its business. Before entering into the transactions of merging or acquiring it is very important for an acquirer company to produce a list of target companies, to know the risk involve in such transactions, take advice from the market experts etc.
  3. Information Exchange:  When both parties agree to go ahead with the deal the documentation process starts. A binding legal document is formed to carry out the process of mergers and acquisitions. After that, the entities share their company details with each other to know about the position of both the companies.
  4. Valuation and Synergies: Both the parties wish to strike a deal where they can earn profits. Agreement is reached between the parties only when both the parties feel that the offer is reasonable. Buyer tries to assess the situation by keeping in mind the perks of the target company which won’t be possible without the merger and acquisition.
  5. Offer and Negotiation: At this stage, an offer is given to the shareholders of the target company. Both the parties try to negotiate the prices to strike a deal that can be beneficial to both of them.
  6. Due Diligence:  Due diligence includes a review of the target entity including products, customer base, financial books, human resources etc. The objective is to ensure that information is correct based on which the offer was made. In case of any wrong information, revision is done to justify the actual information.
  7. Purchase Agreement: At this stage of Mergers and Acquisitions a draft of the agreement is outlined about the cash and stock to be given to target shareholders. It also includes the date and time of the payment.
  8. Deal closure and integration: After the purchase agreement, both the parties close the deal by signing the document and the acquirer company acquires the target company. The management staff of both companies works together to act as a single identity.

Each and every step of mergers and acquisitions is important and requires various skill sets, research, time, and resources to fulfil. Any mistake regarding any of these steps might result in huge losses. The merger of America Online and Time Warner is one of the biggest failures in the history of mergers and acquisitions. The managers behind this deal failed to analyze the dynamics of new media landscape and got rushed into getting a new media platform. Thus, the company reported a loss of US$ 99billion- which is one of the largest annual net loss ever reported.

Advantages of Merger and Acquisition

  • The common goal of mergers and acquisitions is to create synergies with the mutual perks of the single entity thus formed, which won’t be possible if the companies would have worked separately.
  • It provides higher revenues and strong market powers by merging and acquiring a company with upgraded capabilities without having to take the risk of developing the same internally.
  • When a company acquires a completely different business it helps it in diversification of cash flows and avoidance of losses during a slowdown in their industry.
  • Start-ups usually have skills and knowledge but they lack resources to expand their innovation. M&A provides these start-ups a way to reach out to companies with financial stability and these start-ups will provide human resources to the companies.

Disadvantages of Merger and Acquisition

  • Mergers and acquisitions eliminate or reduce the competition in the market. This increases profit for the acquirer company but at the same time, it leads to a substantial increase in prices. The company can now increase its prices thus acquiring the monopoly power in the market. The consumers will not be left with many choices rather than to purchase those products at high prices.
  • Merger and acquisition lead to job losses owing to the fact that the acquirer company has its own working staff and thus it takes few people in employment from the target company who are highly skilled. Thus, underperforming staff’s jobs are taken away.
  • When the size of an acquirer company increases, the situation might lead to the loss in the same degree of control that earlier prevailed. Workers might lose interest in their work.
  • Any mistake in the valuation of the whole process might lead to huge losses.

Laws Governing M&A in India

In India, the process of mergers and acquisitions are court driven and requires the sanction of National Company Law Tribunal. Other than court-based M&A, the legislative reforms have introduced short-form mergers that can be carried out privately without invoking the domain of the courts. On the regulatory front, SEBI has been active in making and implementing regulations governing takeovers.

Companies Act, 2013

Mergers & Acquisitions are governed under the Section 230-240 of Chapter XV of the Companies Act, 2013. It lays down various steps and procedures to be followed during mergers and acquisitions. It regulates and prohibits anti-competitive agreements.

Conclusion

Mergers and acquisitions bring out the idea of extracting the best out of everything. They lead to innovation and growth in various fields. The laws regarding mergers and acquisitions are made in a way to regulate competition and fluctuations in money flows. Mergers and acquisitions have given the corporate world different perspectives looking into business objectives. 

References

  1. Wild C. and Weinstein S. (2009) Smith and Keenan’s Company Law; Pearson Education Ltd, 14th Ed.
  2. Aina K.O.; Company Law and Business Associations 1, Law 534, National Open University of Nigeria.
  3. Companies Act 2013, Act of Parliament,2013(India).

This article is written by Rishita Vekta, B.A.LL.B (2nd Year) student from Lloyd Law College, Greater Noida U.P.

INTRODUCTION

Worshippers can unleash a temple’s full potential by liberating it. Temples can be elegantly and superbly maintained if they are left in the care of the worshipers. There are many different ways and modules that a temple can run. The gurudwaras provide the community with free meals in the form of langars, which helps many people by feeding the hungry. In a similar way, a budget and a plot of land should be allocated to temples so that they can focus the majority of their resources there. They would be able to perform a vast array of extra activities, such as helping during the current epidemic stage and during natural disasters like earthquakes and tidal waves. They are then able to respond to disasters more quickly and efficiently than the government because of their strong relationships with the community. The government cannot do this since funding is channeled through the system. Temples are not just places of worship; they also contain art, history, and culture. Particularly in the state of Tamil Nadu, the temple tower serves as the state emblem. Since the temple is the centre of India, there are several “temple towns” there.

Because of their close ties to the community, they are able to respond to crises more swiftly and effectively than the government. Due to the system’s financial flow, the government is unable to accomplish this. Temples are not just places of prayer; they also house works of art and cultural artefacts. The temple tower is used as the state emblem, especially in Tamil Nadu. There are numerous “temple towns” there since the temple served as India’s administrative centre.

CONTROL BY THE GOVERNMENT OVER HINDU TEMPLES IS ILLEGAL

During a conference conducted in Delhi a few years ago, more than a dozen lawyers, campaigners, and other leaders of civil society expressed concern regarding the “illegal” government ownership of Hindu temples. As stated by Swami Paramatmanandaji, the secretary of HDAS, HDAS has petitioned the Supreme Court to challenge the constitutionality of certain State Acts that govern temples. The symposium was organized by HDAS. A Supreme Court attorney named Pinky Anand argued that the law’s clauses authorizing the government to occupy temples were invalid and unenforceable.

The leader of the Temple Worshippers Society claims that the government has seized control of hundreds of temples that have assets worth millions of dollars. The Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment Act, which was passed in 1959, reinstated the same provisions that the Supreme Court had declared “illegal” in the Madras Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment Act 1951, which dealt with the appointment of executive officers in temples, he claimed. Several speakers emphasised the need for equality between Hindus and minorities while using Hindu victimisation and “discrimination” by the Indian government, court, and other state institutions as a bogey.

Former Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, Rama Jois said an 11-judge Supreme Court bench decided that minorities did not receive any special benefits under Article 30 of the Constitution. There is no need for a “right,” only a “protection.” “No organization or person should be given an advantage.” Hindus needed to employ other methods of agitation and building pressure since, in the opinion of Vishnu Sadashiv Kokje, the issue of governmental authority over temples could not be settled in court. K.N. Bhat, a Supreme Court lawyer who represented Lord Ram in the Ram Janmabhoomi case, cautioned that judicial remedies were fraught with uncertainty.

DEMAND TO UNCONTROL TEMPLES FROM THE GOVERNMENT

Religious institutions and places of worship in our nation have contributed significantly to the social and cultural fabric of our nation for millennia. According to data from the 2011 Census, there are roughly 30,00,000 places of worship in the United States as an example (Kishore, 2016). Hindu temples likely make up the majority of these, even though we don’t know their exact number. India has had government authority over temples ever since British rule, a position that was further cemented after independence by a number of state-level laws. All temples under their jurisdiction are currently governed by state endowment organizations. Given their poor performance throughout time in several areas, many have questioned whether it is a good idea to have temples controlled by the government. The demand is for the government to relinquish control over the temples. Court cases have recently been argued, and a private member’s bill has recently been introduced in parliament. In view of the Covid-19 pandemic debate, Hindu religious trusts should enjoy the same freedom from governmental oversight as Muslim and Christian religious trusts do. State governments in India oversee more than 4 lakh temples, but there is no corresponding control over Muslim and Christian religious institutions. The “Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HRCE) Act 1951,” which enables state governments to seize and control temples and their properties, is being called for modification.

More than 15 State governments oversee purely Hindu religious establishments, mainly temples, from the selection of temple administrators to the collection of service fees ranging from 13 to 18 per cent. The neighbourhood won’t be able to protect its own best interests as a result. They argue that this is unfair as only the Hindu community is targeted for such discrimination. In this scenario, secularism is violated. Additionally, as stated in the constitution, religious organizations in India cannot be administered by the government.

It is asserted that the British acquired control of the temple’s treasures after the Mughals. By enforcing the HRCE Act in 1951, the Jawaharlal Nehru administration continued its strategy of overseeing temples after India gained independence. This type of supervision is not present in mosques or churches. We also demand that all types of control be removed from temples. Famous Supreme Court attorney J. Sai Deepak urged the government to amend the Act, which he felt was the root of the issue. Tradition holds that the “Raja” (king) has no right to the wealth of the temple. It’s interesting to note that the Supreme Court has mandated in at least three landmark rulings that state governments hand up control of religious organizations to the people. This has not, however, been the case up until this point. Two petitions on this matter are currently being considered by the Supreme Court.

The former chief minister of Maharashtra and well-known Congress leader Prithviraj Chavan recently caused controversy by urging the government to seize all the gold owned by national religious trusts, which he estimated to be worth at least $1 trillion. He claims that gold bonds can be used to borrow gold at low-interest rates. “All religious trusts” is a general word that includes gurudwaras (Sikh) and temples (Hindu and Jains), both of which only accept gold as donations.

The Indian Constitution forbids discrimination based on religion, claims Vinod Bansal, the VHP’s national spokesperson. “However, there remains discrimination when it comes to the management of religious trusts.” I think it’s important to correct the errors that the British and the Nehru administration made in the past. He believed that Hindu religious trusts should be treated equally to Muslim and Christian religious trusts. The “Trust is a legal body,” hence it has reasonable or acceptable legal ramifications as well. A god’s offerings of gold and other materials are cherished as holy items. Since no one has the legal right to give it up in any situation, the gold monetization programme is also a hoax. Any plan to remove religious sites is forbidden by Articles 25 and 26 of the Indian Constitution. The Constitution, however, clearly says that nobody has the power to interfere with religious autonomy.

The evolution of the Gold Monetization Schemes was significantly influenced by state control of temples. State governments force temples to sell their gold even when they don’t want to. This issue is caused by state control over temples, which is illegal and discriminatory. Any plan that does not return the capital in gold causes a loss to the community. According to the reports, local governments are in charge of the majority of the temples in South India. The state government of Andhra Pradesh now controls about 34,000 temples. Just 7% of the Rs. 3,500 crore in contributions to the Tirupati Balaji temple were utilized to maintain the shrine. There have been several artefacts found for sale in the UK. As a secular nation, India should treat Hindu temples similarly to mosques and churches, according to one Indian official. From 1840, the British Government started to give up authority over the temples. The most well-known mutts in Tamil Nadu were chosen to represent some of the state’s most renowned temples and shrines.

CONSTITUTIONAL VALIDITY OF THE HINDU RELIGIOUS AND CHARITABLE ENDOWMENT ACT

For the purpose of governing Indian democracy, there is a written constitution. Hindus make up the large bulk of the population in this area. Hinduism, one of the oldest religions in the world, is practised in India. Hinduism features a number of sub-castes, each of which has a unique colour and shape. In terms of caste and sub-caste, there are variances from state to state or area to region. There are also significant differences in how things are done. When Hinduism is at its best, it can be seen as an example of harmony among differences. It is based on ancient texts like the Vedas, Upanishads, Geetha, and others. Many people see Hinduism as a way of life. Hinduism, for instance, permits the worship of inanimate objects such as Ashwathavriksha, Nagadevatas, the earth, and the sea. These are but a few examples.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE HINDU RELIGIOUS AND CHARITABLE ENDOWMENT ACT

From 1840, the British Government started to give up authority over the temples. The most well-known mutts in Tamil Nadu were chosen to represent some of the state’s most renowned temples and shrines. When the Mutts assumed control of these temples, they made sure to obtain written assurances, or “Muchalikas,” from the British Government that the temples would never be returned to the Mutts as had been promised.

As a result, the Mutts obtained complete control over and ownership of a number of important temples, which they successfully managed. The Heads of Mutts and officers never lost sight of the fundamental justifications for worship or the usage of funds meant for ritualistic practice and temple upkeep. Hundreds of additional temples in the former Madras Presidency were left up to their various trustees, even though the Mutts managed a handful of them successfully. The previous Government had little to no duty in overseeing them.

The Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act, of 1923 was a piece of legislation intended to enhance the management and administration of specific religious endowments (Act I of 1925). According to the Act, there are two different sorts of temples: excepted temples and non-excepted temples. The law was challenged as soon as it took effect on the grounds that it had not been legitimately passed. As a result, the assembly passed the Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act, of 1926 (Act II of 1927, abolishing Act I of 1925).

There have been several changes made to this statute. There is no need to provide the most recent modifications. Let’s just say that there were ten revisions to the Act by the year 1946: Act I in 1928 (Act V in 1929), Act V in 1929 (Act IV in 1930), and so on. Act XII of 1935, on the other hand, brought about a significant change. The Government did not like the Board’s current powers, so they introduced Ch. VI-A, which allowed the Board the freedom to notify a temple for whatever reason it saw fit. As a result, the Board had established its authority to capture and manage temples before India gained its freedom. The Government’s vile behaviour only affected Hindu institutions.

It is important to note that the Board started the notification process for the Chidambaram Shri Sabhanayagar Temple in 1950 despite orders from the Madras Government to stop the notification process in 1947 and an order from the Hon’ble Madras High Court in 1939 prohibiting the Board from starting the notification process on petty grounds. India became a Republic on January 26, 1950, when it was freed from British rule, and its Constitution gave Indians certain basic rights. Parts of religious denominations gained unique religious and legal privileges. The Board also made an attempt to acquire control of three more temples, all of which are run by Gowd Saraswath Brahmin sects: Guruvayurappan, Udupi, and Mulkipetta’s Shri Venkataramana.

Each of them challenged the authority of the HRCE Board over the aforementioned religious entities. In the meanwhile, a new Hindu religious law known as the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act, 1951, was passed by the Madras government. Since the Constitution upholds the right of individuals to practice their religion freely, it may seem strange that the government participates in religious organizations through the Statutory Boards. Temples are not mentioned in the Vedic Collection of Hymns and Prayers. In the region where the fire was ignited, it was claimed that sacrifices were made. In the later Brahmana period, temples for the gods were constructed. Due to a growing desire to acquire religious virtue, endowments like land were created for religious purposes at a later age. As a result, Hindu temples are created, funded, and preserved for the benefit of the larger Hindu population. A law was made to better manage, protect, and maintain temples and the endowed properties that are connected to them in order to accomplish goals while adhering to reasonable restrictions that do not restrict religious freedom as guaranteed by the constitution.

CONCLUSION

From the information provided above, it is evident that India must be free from government control or, at the very least, give believers the chance to manage religious institutions and carry out activities that they desire and are advantageous to the general public; the government should also support this effort as it will reveal which individuals are most qualified to oversee religious institutions. It’s also likely that followers abuse their power as it’s common in India to make money off the names of holy places and many well-known people visit India to take part in this corruption. But the government must at least give the devotees something. Hinduism is one of India’s oldest religions, having existed for countless years. Unless they are directly at odds with the Indian Constitution, these beliefs, rituals, and traditions should be preserved because they have existed for thousands of years. Therefore, even while Article 25 protects the right to practise one’s religion, any religious institution’s poor management and financial irregularities must be dealt with firmly for the sake of maintaining temple discipline. The state must strike a fine balance between upholding temple worshipers and temple administration in accordance with the Indian Constitution. Because the statute is deemed to be discriminatory in this instance, it must be ruled unconstitutional on its whole rather than being partially severed.

The Government should establish a commission for temple affairs that includes all non-Hindu religious leaders, matadipathis, religious experts, social reformers, and other experts in accordance with the Supreme Court’s decision in the case of The Commissioner, Hindu v. Sri Lakshmindra Thirtha Swamiar, and then pass a uniform law in accordance with that decision. Depending on their religious convictions and the fundamental principles of our constitution, the government may also take different regulatory approaches for temples, math, Jain communities, etc.

The legislature, which finally decides whether or not to adopt religious reformative legislation, is in charge of establishing a consistent legal framework for Hindu sects. In accordance with the Constitution, we would defer to the legislature’s decision. Even though it’s crucial to note, we believe it’s proper for the government to outlaw any immoral or corrupt practices in Hindu organizations, if any are there at all. This would be a significant improvement for Hindu temple reform. It was necessary to enact the Hindu Religious & Charitable Endowment Act in order to better manage, safeguard, and preserve India’s temples and their endowed properties as well as to carry out its stated purposes within constraints that do not interfere with the right to practice one’s religion guaranteed by the Indian Constitution.

REFERENCES

  1. Need for Government Control over Religious and Charitable Endowment.- Sunder Singh Yadav, Assistant Professor, Government P.G. Law College, Alwar, Rajasthan. In Journal of Advances and Scholarly Researches in Allied Education | Multidisciplinary Academic Research.
  2. Ronojoy Sen (2007). Legalizing Religion: The Indian Supreme Court and Secularism, East-West centre Washington.
  3. The National Foundation for Communal Harmony, Secularism and the Law, New Delhi, 2010.
  4. B.R. Haran, HR & CE Act: A Fraud on the Constitution, bharatabharati.wordpress.com.
  5. T.R. Ramesh, HR & CE Act
  6. The Object of the HR & CE Act, www.malabardevaswom.kerala.gov.in.

This article is written by Bhagyashri Neware, doing LLM(2021- 2022) from Maharashtra National Law University, Aurangabad.