The Indra Sawhney vs Union of India case, also known as the Mandal Commission case, was a landmark case in the history of the Indian judiciary. The case, heard by a nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court, dealt with the issue of reservation in government jobs and education for the socially and economically backward classes of Indian society, also known as Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The judgment, in this case, has had far-reaching implications for Indian society and polity.

Background and facts

The Mandal Commission, formally known as the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission, was set up by the Indian government in 1979 to identify socially and educationally backward classes (SEBCs) in India and make recommendations for their advancement. In 1980, the Commission submitted its report to the government, recommending that 27% of all government jobs and seats in educational institutions be reserved for SEBCs. This recommendation was implemented in 1990 by then Prime Minister V.P. Singh, leading to protests and agitation across the country.

The implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations in 1990 was met with widespread protests and opposition, particularly from upper-caste communities, who argued that it violated the principle of meritocracy and was unconstitutional. The government defended the policy, arguing that it was necessary to provide opportunities to historically marginalized communities and to address the historical injustices of caste discrimination. Several petitions were filed in various high courts challenging the implementation of the reservation policy for OBCs, and eventually, the matter reached the Supreme Court. The apex court, in its judgment in the Indra Sawhney vs Union of India case, addressed several issues related to reservation and its implementation.

The case was first heard by a nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court in 1992, which delivered a split verdict.

Procedural History

The procedural history of the case can be divided into the following stages:

The Mandal Commission Report: In 1979, the Mandal Commission was constituted by the Government of India to identify the socially and educationally backward classes (SEBCs) in the country and recommend measures for their upliftment. In 1980, the Commission submitted its report, which recommended that 27% of government jobs and seats in educational institutions be reserved for SEBCs.

Implementation of the Mandal Commission Report: The implementation of the Mandal Commission Report was challenged in various courts across the country. In 1990, the government issued an office memorandum implementing the recommendations of the Commission. This led to widespread protests and agitation by various groups, including students and job seekers.

The Indra Sawhney Case: In 1992, a group of petitioners led by Indra Sawhney, a former civil servant, filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court challenging the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report. The petitioners contended that the reservation policy violated the fundamental right to equality enshrined in the Indian Constitution.

Constitution Bench: The case was heard by a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court comprising nine judges. The hearings began in 1992 and continued for almost five years. The bench heard arguments from both sides and also received inputs from various experts and stakeholders.

Interim Orders: During the pendency of the case, the Supreme Court issued several interim orders. In 1993, the court directed that the reservation policy would not be applicable to posts and seats meant for technical and professional courses. In 1997, the court directed that the creamy layer among the SEBCs should be excluded from the benefits of reservation.

Judgment: In 1999, the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court delivered its judgment in the case. The court upheld the constitutional validity of the reservation policy but imposed certain restrictions and conditions. The court held that the reservation should not exceed 50% and that it should be reviewed periodically. The court also held that the creamy layer among the SEBCs should be excluded from the benefits of reservation.

Controversies and Criticisms: The judgment in the Indra Sawhney case has been the subject of several controversies and criticisms. Some have criticized the court for diluting the concept of equality by upholding the reservation policy. Others have criticized the court for imposing arbitrary restrictions and conditions on the policy. However, the judgment remains a landmark in Indian legal history and continues to shape the discourse on reservations in the country.

Judgment

The Supreme Court of India rendered a historic decision in the 1992 case of Indra Sawhney v. Union of India, also referred to as the Mandal Commission case. The issue concerned the implementation of reservations for the socially and economically underprivileged sectors of Indian society in government employment and educational institutions. The Supreme Court’s nine-judge panel issued the ruling, which upheld the constitutionality of OBC reservations in government employment and educational settings. However, it also set certain limitations and conditions for the implementation of reservations.

One of the main issues before the court was whether the classification of the OBCs as a separate category was constitutional. The court held that the classification was based on intelligible differentia and was therefore constitutionally valid. The court also addressed the issue of the maximum limit for reservations. It held that the total reservation should not exceed 50% of the available seats or posts. However, it also allowed for exceptional circumstances where a higher percentage of reservations may be justified.

The court further emphasized that reservations should not be granted on the basis of economic criteria alone and that social and educational backwardness should be the primary criterion for determining eligibility for reservations. The judgment also dealt with the issue of creamy layer exclusion, which refers to excluding the relatively well-off members of the reserved categories from the benefits of reservations. The court held that the creamy layer exclusion should be applied to the OBCs as well and that the exclusion should be based on economic criteria. The court also directed the central government to create a permanent body to regularly review the implementation of reservations and to identify the backward classes that are in need of affirmative action.

Overall, the Indra Sawhney v. Union of India judgment has had a significant impact on the implementation of reservations in India. It has helped to ensure that reservations are not granted arbitrarily or on the basis of economic criteria alone and has set clear guidelines for the implementation of reservations in a fair and just manner.

Analysis

Reservations for Other Backward Classes were implemented as a result of the Mandal Commission Report (OBCs).

The “Creamy Layer” theory was developed by the court to deny the benefits of reservation to specific OBC groups based on their socioeconomic standing.

The Indra Sawhney judgment is a landmark judgment for several reasons. First, it upheld the constitutional validity of reservation for OBCs, but with certain restrictions. The court held that the total reservation, including reservations for SCs and STs, should not exceed 50% of the vacancies. The court also held that the reservation policy should not be based solely on caste but on the backwardness of the classes. The court further held that the creamy layer, i.e., the socially and economically advanced among the OBCs, should be excluded from the benefits of reservation.

Second, the court gave a detailed analysis of the concept of social backwardness and its relationship with caste. The court observed that social and educational backwardness can be caused by several factors, including poverty, lack of access to education, and geographical isolation. The court held that caste can be a factor in determining social backwardness but cannot be the sole criterion.

Third, the court recognized the importance of affirmative action in ensuring social justice and equality in a society marked by historical discrimination and oppression. The court observed that the Constitution of India envisages a society based on equality and social justice, and affirmative action is necessary to ensure that the benefits of development reach all sections of society.

Fourth, the court recognized the need to balance the competing claims of different sections of society. The court observed that while reservation is an important tool for social justice, it should not be at the cost of efficiency and merit. The court held that reservation should be a temporary measure and should be reviewed periodically to ensure that it does not perpetuate backwardness or lead to reverse discrimination.

Fifth, the court recognized the importance of diversity in a democratic society. The court held that diversity is a source of strength and vitality in a democracy, and any attempt to homogenize society would be against the spirit of the Constitution.

The Indra Sawhney judgment has had a significant impact on Indian society and polity. First, it has led to the implementation of reservation for OBCs in government jobs and educational institutions, leading to greater representation of OBCs in the public sphere. The judgment has led to a debate on the efficacy of reservation as a tool for social justice. While some have argued that reservation has led to the empowerment of the socially and economically backward classes, others have argued that it has perpetuated caste-based discrimination and led to a decline in the standards of education and administration.

Conclusion and Suggestions

The Supreme Court upheld the government’s decision to provide reservations for SEBCs in a limited manner, while also placing certain restrictions on the quantum of reservation and the definition of SEBCs.

The case’s conclusion and suggestions include:

The government can provide reservations for SEBCs, but it should be based on their social and educational backwardness, not their economic status. The reservation for SEBCs should not exceed 50% of the total seats/jobs, and there should be no reservation for the creamy layer. The government should regularly review the list of SEBCs to ensure that only the truly backward classes receive the benefits of reservation. The reservation policy should not undermine the merit-based selection process, and the reserved category candidates must meet the minimum qualifying standards. The government should also work on improving the educational and social status of the backward classes to reduce their dependence on reservations.

This case analysis is done by Vishal Menon, from Symbiosis Law School, Hyderabad.

This article is written by Mudit Jain, a law student at Indore Institute of Law. This article gives an overview of the caste-based violence against women and how they are suffering from it and how our prestigious Courts are recognizing them.

Introduction

The tragedy of a 19-year-old Dalit lady being gang-raped in Hathras in 2020 is still vivid in our thoughts. Following the Hathras incident, the Supreme Court issued a fresh decision in Patan Jamal Vali v. State of Andhra Pradesh addressing the intersectionality of caste, gender, and handicap. Activists, academics, and attorneys contended that the sexual violence was committed because of the woman’s gender and caste and that the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (PoA Act) should be invoked.

Examples of Courts Setting Aside the PoA Act

Courts have virtually always overturned convictions under the PoA Act in situations of sexual abuse against Dalit and Adivasi women.

  • In Khuman Singh v. State of Madhya Pradesh (2019), a murder case, the court concluded that while the deceased’s membership in the SC group was not challenged, there was no evidence to indicate that the offence was committed solely on that basis; conviction under the PoA Act was overturned.
  • In Asharfi v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2017), the court determined that the facts and documents on record did not establish that the appellant committed rape because the victim was a member of the SC community.
  • In Ramdas and Others v. State of Maharashtra (2006), a case where a Dalit child girl was raped, the Supreme Court overturned the conviction under the PoA Act, holding that the fact that the victim was a lady from an SC group did not entitle her to the PoA Act.
  • In Dinesh Alias Buddha v. State of Rajasthan (2006), the Supreme Court stated, “It is not the prosecution’s argument that the rape was performed on the victim because she was a member of the Scheduled Caste.”

Several precedents that insist on an unreasonable burden of proof. This matter should be sent to a broader bench for a different viewpoint.

SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989

The PoA Act was intended to combat atrocities committed against members of the SC and ST groups, and it was updated in 2015 to particularly recognize new crimes committed against Dalit and Adivasi women, such as sexual assault, sexual harassment, and Devadasi devotion.

Section 3(2)(v) states that if any person not being an SC/ST member commits an offence under the IPC punishable with imprisonment of 10 years or more shall be punished with life imprisonment and a fine if he commits an offence against a person because he is a member of the SC/ST community.

In 2015, the term “on the ground that such person is a member of SC/ST” was changed to “knowing that such person is a member of SC/ST.”

The Intersectional Approach Will Address the Discrimination

In a first, the Supreme Court expanded on the necessity for an intersectional approach to account for the victim’s many marginalization. The intersectional discrimination requires an understanding of how several forces of oppression worked together to generate a distinct experience of subordination for the blind Dalit lady. The court also issued directives to teach judges, police officers, and prosecutors to be more sensitive in such instances, emphasizing the need of making the criminal justice system more receptive to women with disabilities who have been sexually assaulted.

Burden of Proof a Reason to Expose Vulnerable Women to Sexual Violence

In all of the above-mentioned decisions, the court determined that there was insufficient evidence to prove that the accused committed sexual assault because the victim was a member of the SC/ST group. The only proof that may be shown is that the victim belonged to an SC/ST group and that the accused was aware of this. When a woman is handicapped and from a marginalized caste, she experiences prejudice because of her gender, caste/tribe, and handicap, all of which makes her vulnerable to sexual abuse.

Recognition to Intersectional Discrimination by the Court

The victim of sexual assault in Patan Jamal Vali v. State of Andhra Pradesh was a blind 22-year-old Dalit woman. The accused was convicted of rape under Section 376 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Section 3(2)(v) of the PoA Act by the trial court and the High Court, and sentenced to life imprisonment.

In this decision, the Supreme Court upheld the conviction and penalty for rape under the IPC but overturned the conviction under the PoA Act.

On the one hand, this decision is a tremendous step forward since the court took advantage of the chance to recognize intersectional discrimination against women based on their gender, caste, and handicap.

However, by overturning the conviction under the PoA Act, it follows in the footsteps of many other earlier Supreme Court decisions.

Suggestions to Reduce the Issue

  • Enhanced police accountability and efficient victim and witness protection.
  • Addressing impunity for sexual assault perpetrators, particularly those from powerful castes.
  • Taking attempts to minimize community engagement in situations of sexual abuse, such as prohibiting the use of khap panchayats.
  • Combating intersectional types of prejudice experienced by Dalit women and girls while interacting with law enforcement agencies
  • Improved funding and usage of current money for initiatives preventing and responding to sexual assault.

Conclusion

According to the latest Parliamentary Standing Committee Report on Atrocities and Crimes Against Women and Children, a “high acquittal rate stimulates and enhances the confidence of dominant and strong societies in continuing perpetration.” This decision was a wasted chance for the court to utilize intersectionality to sustain the conviction under the PoA Act or, if necessary, refer the case to a bigger bench.

We must stop hiding behind smokescreens of evidence’s hyper-technicality and recognize caste-based violence against women when it is there in front of us. Otherwise, our anti-caste legislation would be made ineffective. If intersectionality theory had been relevant in this case, it should have inspired an interpretation of the PoA Act that reflects the lived realities of women who have experienced sexual abuse.

The government should focus on strategy implementation. A comprehensive investigation and a time trial are essential for victims from the SC/ST category. This will help to increase confidence among the society’s less fortunate members.

REFERENCES:

  • https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/recognising-caste-based-violence-against-women/article34692073.ece
  • https://www.theweek.in/leisure/society/2020/10/09/why-there-is-rampant-caste-based-violence-against-women-in-up.html
  • https://www.insightsonindia.com/2021/06/02/insights-into-editorial-recognising-caste-based-violence-against-women/
  • http://www.dalits.nl/pdf/HRC-11_briefing_note_-_Violence_against_Dalit_Women.pdf
  • https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-54418513

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