-Report by Anurag Sinha

As part of a petition contesting the blood donor standards, the Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has filed an affidavit challenging the guidelines’ outright restriction on transgender people, gay males, female sex workers, and others donating blood.

It has been reported that the National Blood Transfusion Council (NBTC, an organisation made up of medical and scientific professionals) is responsible for determining which groups of people are barred from being blood donors and that this conclusion is grounded in data from scientific studies.

The affidavit begins by arguing that the petition’s concerns are within the purview of the executive and must be evaluated from the perspective of public health rather than individual rights.

Facts:

The Public Interest Litigation by a member of the Transgender community. Thangjam Santa A lawsuit against Singh, represented by lawyer Anindita Pujari, was filed in federal court “Under the auspices of the Central Health Ministry, the National Blood Transfusion Council and the National Aids Control Organization released their 2017 Guidelines for Blood Donor Selection and Blood Donor Referral in October.

Guidelines clauses 12 and 51 exclude transgender people, gay males, and female sex workers from donating blood since they are a high-risk group for contracting HIV/AIDS. The Ministry now claims in its affidavit that there is sufficient information to show “HIV, Hepatitis B, and Hepatitis C diseases pose a threat for transgender people, men who have sex with males, and female sex workers. It claims that the petitioners haven’t contested the exclusion of people at risk for HIV, Hepatitis B, or Hepatitis C infections, but rather the inclusion of transgender people, gay males, and female sex workers in the ‘at risk’ category. The affidavit responded to the challenge by citing the following academic papers in an effort to back up its assertion that the named persons were, in fact, at risk.

Two gay men from Hyderabad have filed a new public interest litigation (PIL) with the Supreme Court of India, arguing for the legalisation of same-sex marriage in India under the Special Marriage Act of 1954.

Our Chief Justice DY. Chandrachud will preside over a Supreme Court bench today.

Supriyo Chakraborty and Abhay Dang, the petitioners, have been in a relationship for over a decade. Because of the epidemic, both couples and their families were reminded of life’s fragility. They were both infected with COVID during the second wave. As soon as they felt well, they made plans to celebrate their 9th anniversary with family and friends by having a wedding-cum-commitment ceremony. In December 2021, they conducted a commitment ceremony when their loved ones gave their approval to their partnership.

Plaintiff’s Contention:

Petitioners argued that the Special Marriage Act violates India’s constitution because it treats same-sex couples differently than those of the opposite sex by denying them the legal protections, social recognition, and legal standing that come with marriage. The petitioners state that the Indian Supreme Court has historically upheld the freedom to marry anyone regardless of caste or religion. The constitutional movement towards same-sex marriage is an extension of this trend. As the Supreme Court has already ruled in the Navtej Singh Johar and Puttaswamy cases that LGBTQ+ people have the same rights to equality, dignity, and privacy as any other citizen, the Petitioners contend that the right to marry the person of one’s choice should also apply to LGBTQ+ people.

Judgement:

The Special Marriage Act, Foreign Marriage Act, and Hindu Marriage Act have all been challenged in nine separate cases before the Delhi High Court and the Kerala High Court, all seeking to recognise same-sex marriage. The Ministry’s Deputy Solicitor General told the Kerala High Court earlier this month that preparations are being made to have all writ petitions transferred to the Supreme Court.

READ FULL JUDGEMENT: https://bit.ly/400UmAJ

INTRODUCTION

The explicitness of doctrinal assumptions about differences at the turn of the century fairly clearly defined the early feminist project in law. Women were regarded as being appropriately excluded from the practice of law and other positions of public power due to their perceived biological or “natural” characteristics. They were confined to “private” or familial circles. The foundation of feminist legal theory also referred to as feminist jurisprudence, is the idea that the legal system has played a significant role in the historical subordination of women. Feminist legal theory has two goals in mind. First, feminist jurisprudence aims to illuminate how the legal system contributed to women’s historical subordination. Second, feminist legal theory is devoted to reworking the law and its treatment of gender in order to improve the status of women.

FEMINIST JURISPRUDENCE

A legal philosophy known as feminist jurisprudence is based on the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes. Feminist jurisprudence as a branch of legal scholarship first emerged in the 1960s. It has an impact on numerous discussions of gender-based discrimination, workplace inequality, and sexual and domestic violence. Feminists have uncovered the implications of seemingly neutral laws and practices using a variety of strategies. Feminist jurisprudence’s analysis and wisdom have been applied to laws pertaining to sexual harassment, rape, domestic violence, divorce, and reproductive rights. Rather than suggesting that women should be exempted from these laws and practices, or suggesting that the law itself should be changed to provide additional protections for women, many feminist thinkers point out how the sex-neutral language of the law belies gender-based disadvantages and discrimination, and that women, therefore, need to be provided with specific accommodations in the law so that they can level the playing field.

This type of legal feminism, which predominated until recently, focused primarily on equality. It presupposed that there were no legally significant differences between men and women, an emphasis that was determined by the numerous ways that the law historically both approved of and made it easier for women to be excluded from the public (and thus, overtly powerful) spheres of society. This exclusion was justified on the basis of difference, which was based on the idea that women’s particular biological role in reproduction required protection from the rigors of public life. Therefore, when significant numbers of women started to enter public institutions like the legal system, they sought to overthrow the ideology that had excluded them. Assimilation became the target, and equality became the established norm. The feminist project in law should adapt to this evolution because our perspectives on differences and the value we place on them have changed over time.

When such voices are heard, things like the current generation of diverse feminist legal theories can result. Feminist theorists present a variety of change-related strategies. Feminist-styled legal proposals aim to use the law to enhance the position of women. These proposals range from continued adherence to the equality model to concepts of accommodation and acceptance of “special” needs. Concepts of difference have been successfully introduced and broadly embraced by the larger legal community in some particular areas, such as the emergence of “battered woman’s syndrome.” However, in most areas of legal regulation, concepts that do not take into account or take into account differences are not easily overturned, and it is assumed that the law is appropriately gender-neutral, at least in theory.

RELATION WITH LAW

“Law” and “feminism” are two concepts that sound a lot alike to us. They both play important roles in our lives. The fact that they are connected is the most crucial fact, though. Both endeavor to guarantee gender equality in all spheres of life—social, political, and economic. Let’s first clarify what they mean in reality. The concept of “feminism” can be defined as the freedom to choose one’s identity without hindrance

Now, if we define “law” simply, we can say that it is a set of guidelines for behavior that are established by a supreme authority and have legal force. The main goals of the law are to uphold law and order, settle disputes, and defend individual rights and liberties. It might surprise you to learn that the word “law” comes from the Latin word “jurisprudential,” which means “knowledge of the law” or “skill in law.” The theoretical study of law is known as jurisprudence. Before the advent of law, people used to work or judge with a sense of moral principles and ethics, which is also a source of law. The common ground of law, in the words of great Juris, is the Salmond Philosophical Legal Theory. Even if you don’t know what jurisprudence means, the meaning of this word should be clear after reading the first three sentences of the text.

There has been a shift away from equality as one of the guiding principles of legal thought for many American feminist legal scholars. The dominant abstract principles that have supported business as usual at most levels of society are questioned by feminist theory in law, which also questions the status quo and the legal system’s alleged neutrality. But despite the fact that feminists agree on this fundamental first step, differences start to appear. While some scholars see positive changes resulting from a deeper analysis of women’s perspectives and experiences in the law, others maintain that things are not getting better for most women and things are not getting better for most women, despite claims to the contrary.

There is an unspoken trend in contemporary critical thought toward an overreliance on the speaker’s unique personality traits to validate discourse. This emphasis falsely promotes the notion that individuals are the agents of social action and change and conceals the numerous ways in which oppression occurs and is supported within the prevailing structures and ideologies of our society. It works by putting some discourse beyond criticism; discourse is regarded as authentic not because of the rhetoric’s nature but rather because of the personality of the speaker. For example, if we say that a woman’s speech is valid in feminist terms because she is a poor person, lesbian, or has disabilities, then discourse about issues relating to women and poverty, homosexuality, and disability is beyond criticism because the speaker cannot be faulted for being bourgeois, heterosexist, or nondisabled.

According to Section 14 of the Indian Constitution, equality is a concept that feminism and jurisprudence (the source of law) have collaborated on. There are many theories in the law, “feminist jurisprudence” being one of them. A legal philosophy based on the political and social equality of the sexes is known as feminist jurisprudence. It is predicated on the idea that the fundamental cause of women’s historical subordination has been the law. There are two components to feminist legal theory.

LEGAL THEORY OF FEMINISM

There are two components to feminist legal theory. First, feminist jurisprudence aims to clarify how the law contributed to women’s inferior status. Second, feminist legal theory aims to improve the status of women by reformulating the law’s treatment of gender. The fight against traditional law, which is largely patriarchal, is the focus of feminist jurisprudence. Focusing on the types of institutions and laws required to address the imbalance against women in society, it challenges the current legal status. Inequality in the workplace, gender-based discrimination, and sexual and domestic violence are all hot topics in feminist law.

Feminists have discovered gendered elements and implications of seemingly unrelated laws and practices using a variety of methods. Laws pertaining to sexual harassment, rape, domestic violence, divorce, and reproductive rights have all benefited from analysis and insight provided by feminist jurisprudence. Many feminists believed that history was written from a male perspective and did not reflect on the role that women played in shaping society and making history. Although feminist legal theory and feminist jurisprudence share a commitment to gender equality, they differ from one another.

FEMINISM IN INDIA

Feminism in India was actually started by men, in contrast to the western world. The first step towards feminism was the abolishment of sati by Raja Ram Mohan Roy and William Bentick, as well as widow remarriage by Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. Even though our constitution explicitly referred to equality, feminism changed as a result of rising “personal rights” and increased globalization. Leaders like Sarojini Naidu, Begum Rokeya, Captain Lakshmi Sahgal, Kittur Chennamma, Manikarnika, Kamini Roy, and Indira Priyadarshini Gandhi played a significant part in the rise of feminism in the Indian National Freedom Movement.

The theory of Austin, Hart, and Kelsen was criticized by many feminist authors. Authors like Carole Pateman, Catherine MacKinnon, Carol Gilligan, and Margot Stubbs questioned Austin, Hart, and Kelsen’s theories. The feminist movement or feminism has made issues like child marriage, failing to educate girls, and unequal pay for equal work and positions necessary.

The constitution has always been committed to protecting women, but the problem is that this is not always how it is actually applied. The scope is expanding with time, and the offences are being brought to light with greater sincerity. Only in this instance was rape properly interpreted and classified as one of the most heinous crimes. According to Justice Madan B Lokur, who made this statement in the ruling, rape is one of the most heinous crimes committed against a woman. It denigrates women. It injures a woman’s dignity and degrades her honor. Her personality is dwarfed, and she has less self-assurance as a result. It infringes on her right to life, as stated in Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. This ruling, which overturns the patriarchal laws that were once prevalent in our nation, was based strongly on the principles of equality and justice for women.

This article is written by Sanskar Garg, a last-year student at the School of Law, Devi Ahilya University, Indore.